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    Colombia’s new President, Gustavo Petro:  What does this Historic Leftist Victory Mean for a Continent in Revolt? 

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    Originally Published to the Council on Hemispheric Affairs on June 21, 2022

    On August 7th a new left of center government will take power in Colombia. Many questions remain to be answered but one thing is clear: this historic election marks a break with a long Colombian history of State violence and monolithic conservatism.

    On June 19, Gustavo Petro beat his rival, the businessman Rodolfo Hernández, by a margin of 50.44% to 47.03%, after 100% of the country’s polling stations reported their results.[1] Both his opponent and current president Iván Duque recognized the results, congratulating Petro.[2]

    Despite an information war and decades of violence against the left, over 11 million Colombians successfully mobilized and voted for the historic change.[3] La Unión Patriótica (UP) was one leftist political party that suffered from this political genocide. Over 5,000 UP leaders were assassinated, including Bernardo Jaramillo, the UP presidential candidate in 1990, along with 21 lawmakers, 70 local councilors and 11 mayors. It is this reality of state and paramilitary violence that has long earned Colombia the infamous designation as the most dangerous place on earth for union leaders and journalists. Human Rights Watch and the Institute for Development and Peace Studies (Indepaz) have documented the hundreds of assassinations and dozens of massacres that occur in Colombia every year.

    A Unified Continental Uprising?

    Petro is the seventh former leftist guerilla fighter to become president in a Latin American nation, joining Daniel Ortega from Nicaragua,  Dilma Rousseff from Brazil, José Mujica from Uruguay, Salvador Sánchez Cerén from El Salvador, and Fidel and Raúl Castro, from Cuba. However, unlike the others from the list, Petro doesn’t belong to the Bolivarian momentum sweeping across the continent. This outcome of former guerrilla leaders, including Petro, serving their countries as presidents, as well as the recent elections of progressive presidents in Bolivia, Honduras, Mexico, and Argentina, shows clearly the weakness of the neoliberal model that is, so far, incapable of solving the poverty, corruption, hierarchies of domination, and chronic inequality that affects most of the Latin American continent. By electing Petro, the Colombian people are sending a strong message of frustration with a failed model that has brought organized crime, social disparities, chronic violence, a 40% poverty rate and militarization of the public sphere to the lives of millions of citizens.

    Leaders of the Continent Congratulate Petro and Márquez

    Upon hearing the results of the election, Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador summarized the long history of violence against the popular sectors of Colombia and concluded: “Today’s triumph can be the end of this tragedy and the horizon for this fraternal and dignified people.”[4] Former president of Brazil, Luis Lula Ignacio da Silva, declared the importance of this victory for South American and third world integration.[5] Venezuelan president, Nicolás Maduro, congratulated Petro stating that “new times can now be envisioned.”[6]  COHA Senior Fellow, Alina Duarte, who has been on the ground in Cali covering the elections, wrote “It is impossible not to feel emotion with the victory of the Colombian people. So many years of war, dispossession and death. Today, a Black woman from Cauca, who was a domestic worker, single mother and defender of the land stands strong against oligarchy. What a beautiful day!”[7]

    Francia Márquez became the first woman and first Afro-Colombian elected as vice-president (credit photo: Iván Castaneira)

    In her acceptance speech Francia Márquez pronounced: “After 214 years we achieved a government of the people, a popular government, of those who have calloused hands, the people who have to walk everywhere, the nobodies of Colombia. We are going to seek reconciliation for this country. We are for dignity and social justice.”[8]

    Petro’s speech followed.[9] With the crowd chanting “libertad,” the president elect called for amnesty for political prisoners, environmental justice and an end to impunity for State actors responsible for the murder of activists. He continued affirming: “It is time to dialogue with the U.S. government to find other ways of understanding one another…without excluding anybody in the Americas.” He concluded by promising to build “a global example of a government of life, of peace, of social justice and environmental justice.”

    Which Way Forward?

    The transition in Colombia, long a U.S. ally in the region, raises major questions about which we can only speculate right now.

    How will the new people’s government orient towards the nine U.S. military bases in Colombia?[10]  And how will the new administration, committed to overcoming corruption, confront the reality that Colombia still is the major planetary producer of cocaine, and the main source of the illegal drug in the U.S.?

    There are also profound political and economic issues that will be decided in the coming days. Like Gabriel Boric in Chile, Pedro Castillo in Peru and Xiomara Castro in Honduras, Petro and Márquez will now have to balance a left or left of center ideology with the reality of a strong, embedded oligarchy that will fiercely resist all but certain anemic social-democratic reforms.[11]

    The new administration will also have to define itself in relation to the Bolivarian cause of regional integration, multipolarity, and sovereignty. Boric has gone out of his way to condemn the Bolivarian camp, and on the largest global stage, at the exclusionary Summit of the Americas. López Obrador and Argentine president Alberto Fernández have been outspoken about building more links with Venezuela and denouncing U.S. unilateral sanctions. Petro seems to be leaning more in the direction of continental unity and a moderate approach to the current wave of progressive administrations, not declaring the U.S. as an enemy but instead trying to change the focus of the relationship to other more innocuous arenas like the environment. Washington seeks to retain its strong influence on Colombia, considering the warm words of congratulations expressed by its Secretary of State, Antony Blinken. Petro’s plan is to limit the oil projects in the country and move to more sustainable resources. However, this will be a main concern for U.S. energy interests, for sure. And it is to be seen how Petro will face the pressure to accommodate the multimillion dollar U.S. private and public security apparatus, including agencies like the DEA, that operate throughout Colombian territory.

    Afro-Colombians and Indigenous Peoples are Now Visible

    At the same time, the movement to which Márquez is accountable voted for Petro because of his commitment to the environment and the historic struggles of Afro-descendant and Indigenous peoples.[12] There is no doubt that Márquez inspired thousands of Colombians from all oppressed sectors of the country, as well as  new young voters, women, and intellectuals who felt moved by this former “housekeeper.” She is the first Black and the first woman ever elected as vice president. But now, the question of the expectations created arises. If the grassroots sees too many compromises with the oligarchy will there be a revolt from within?

    Petro and the Troika of Resistance

    How will Petro relate to Venezuela, Cuba, Nicaragua and Bolivia? During the campaign, he distanced himself from the Bolivarian camp because in Colombia the vast majority of people have been taught by a  constant barrage of state propaganda that Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba are “failed states” and “dictatorships.” In the immediate aftermath of the election, there is great interest in Washington as well as Caracas on Petro’s posture towards Venezuela. In a recent interview, Petro artfully stopped short of all out support for the movement for a definitive second Latin American emancipation[13] but recognized Maduro as President, anticipating enhanced economic links and “civilized bridges” with Venezuela.[14]

    On the other hand, it is likely that the U.S. establishment and State Department have not pushed back on the outcome of the election precisely because of compromises made by the Petro-Márquez campaign. COHA Senior Analyst, William Camacaro, cautions that “the worst that can occur is to see a coalition of supposedly leftist governments–Chile, Peru and Colombia–joining Washington’s narrative against the Bolivarian revolution.”

    Ending Impunity

    Another major question was raised during the acceptance speeches. Just in the first six months of 2022, 86 social leaders have been murdered by State and paramilitary forces.[15] Last Sunday June 19, shoulder to shoulder with the president and vice-president elect, one of the mothers of the missing students and protestors asked if there will finally be justice for their sons and daughters who have been disappeared.[16] Petro’s ability to put an end to these murders and hold perpetrators accountable will be a major test of his leadership.

    The Petro–Márquez victory was clearly a cause for celebration in the streets of Colombia and in the diaspora.[17] But when the fireworks and parties are over the class tensions in Colombia will still abound. The June 19th victory is a moment pregnant with hope for the most vulnerable sectors who have long fought the political and economic domination of the oligarchs and their foreign backers.  But given the long history of oligarchic rule and political capture of significant parts of the State apparatus by organized crime this is also a historical moment wrought with challenges.[18]

    (Credit photo: Iván Castaneira)

    Sources

    [1] Resultados elecciones Colombia 2022, https://elpais.com/america-colombia/elecciones-presidenciales/2022-06-20/resultados-elecciones-colombia-2022-siga-la-segunda-vuelta-en-vivo.htm; “Former guerrilla wins Colombia’s presidential election, first leftist leader in nation’s history” By Antonio Maria Delgado and Daniela Castro”, https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/colombia/article262685862.html and “Elecciones en Colombia: Gustavo Petro hace historia con su triunfo presidencial”, https://www.nytimes.com/live/2022/06/19/espanol/elecciones-colombia-resultados

    [2] https://twitter.com/ivanduque/status/1538649171091234816?s=21&t=Di9BjraLgugUYoghqk_HJQ

    [3] “Elecciones en Colombia: Gustavo Petro hace historia con su triunfo presidencial”, https://www.nytimes.com/live/2022/06/19/espanol/elecciones-colombia-resultados

    [4] https://twitter.com/lopezobrador_/status/1538655041203994624

    [5] https://twitter.com/LulaOficial/status/1538659107846213632?s=20&t=yWQojGEvBOAEC9rxKHGOBg

    [6] “Maduro felicita a Gustavo Petro: ‘Nuevos tiempos se avizoran”, https://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/venezuela/gustavo-petro-nicolas-maduro-felicita-al-nuevo-presidente-de-colombia-681464

    [7] https://twitter.com/AlinaDuarte_/status/1538682412963610624?s=20&t=qZub5_HndLrJj2jhYMpHQw

    [8] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ae-tusiZCs8

    [9] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ae-tusiZCs8

    [10] “Colombia: Bases militares de Estados Unidos: neocolonialismo e impunidad”, https://soaw.org/colombia-bases-militares-de-estados-unidos-neocolonialismo-e-impunidad

    [11] https://twitter.com/OVargas52/status/1538780873079656448?s=20&t=DZ7boATDa66VeFLRfaXbYw

    [12] https://twitter.com/AlinaDuarte_/status/1538900416330715136?s=20&t=CAiPapdc2MvpzTRz3hLPlw

    [13] The second emancipation refers to the struggle of emancipation from the domination of Latin America by the United States and overcoming the multiple hierarchies of domination that have been imposed over five centuries by colonization, dependency, and most recently the neoliberal regime. This process of liberation involves constructing forms of democracy with popular participation as well as representative governments that prioritize human life in harmony with the biosphere and are held accountable to constituents.The first emancipation refers to independence from Spain and Portugal.

    [14] “Gustavo Petro ganó: ¿Restablecerá relaciones con el Gobierno de  Maduro en Venezuela?”, https://www.wradio.com.co/2022/06/17/si-gana-gustavo-petro-restableceria-relaciones-con-el-gobierno-maduro-en-venezuela/

    [15] “Asciende a 86 cifra de líderes colombianos asesinados en 2022”, https://www.telesurtv.net/news/colombia-aumento-lideres-asesinados-colombia-20220610-0023.html

    [16] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ae-tusiZCs8

    [17] https://twitter.com/danielalozanocu/status/1538718452348862464?s=20&t=DZ7boATDa66VeFLRfaXbYw

    [18] https://twitter.com/BenjaminNorton/status/1538690747179929600

    Brazil: More Fascism and Neocolonialism or a Path Back to Self-Determination?

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    Originally published from Río de Janeiro, Brazil on September 27, 2022 at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs 

    (The author has changed certain names and details to protect individuals’ privacy.)

    When you arrive in another country, there is nothing more precious than new friends who adopt you, protect you, and teach you about their language, music, culture, and traditions. For an open-minded traveler, ethnographer and anti-imperialist organizer, this new family is more valuable than any air-conditioned hotel,  amount of comfort or money.

    When I moved to Brazil in May of 2003, Binho, Mateuszinho, Thiago and their family and neighborhood crew took me in and put me up in O Morro do Santo Cristo and O Complexo da Penha, the heart of Río de Janeiro’s favelas and drug war. They walked me through the complex landscape of Rio’s corrupt brutal police who shoot first and rarely ask questions later, their violent blitzes (Río slang for stop and frisks), and a maze of morros (ghettos spread across hills) divided between two major paramilitary drug gangs: O Comando Vermelho and O Terceiro Comando (The Red Command and The Third Command).

    Lula meets with “Sports and Democracy for Lula”, September 27th in São Paulo (photo credit: Danny Shaw).

    On the eve of what Steve Bannon is calling the “second most important election in the world,” the October 2nd showdown between Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Jair Bolsonaro, I returned to Río nineteen years later.[1] Full of saudades (memories or nostalgia), I surprised the old crew in hopes of getting us all back together.

    Everyday Survival

    What became of my three friends?

    From the outset, it is important to steer the English-speaking reader away from the stereotype that Rio de Janeiro represents Brazil or that my organic contacts represent all of Rio. Only a tiny percentage of favela residents make a living in the drug trade while most families reject lumpen lifestyles and find ways to eke out an income in hostile economic terrain by any means necessary.

    Professor Danny Shaw
    Professor Danny Shaw meeting members of the Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores in Brazil (photo credit: Danny Shaw).

    Binho went to prison in 2004 for an armed robbery of a bakery that left his three partners in crime dead in a shootout with the police in ​​Jacarepaguá. A police officer who responded to the scene said he didn’t pull the trigger because Binho’s face reminded him of his son. The crime of armed robbery, Article 157 of the penal code, afforded Binho four years in Bangu prison. The vibrant 22-year old sustained brain injuries and psychological trauma from beatings from rival gangs. He contracted AIDS and has not been able to access the necessary medications. His wife Ronenete died of AIDS complications four years ago. I sat by his bedside remembering old times, nostalgic of the once cocky, invincible bandido (thug) who mentored me on why in Rio, “você não pode vacilar” (you can’t get caught slipping.)

    Mateuszinho was a low level hustler for the Comando Vermelho, Rio’s largest gang and drug trafficking entity. He was a quick-talking, street smart 24-year old who conversed his way out of every brush with death, laughing it off and embarking upon his next mission. For seven 12-hour shifts per week as a vapor (the highest look out at the top of the morro), he earned $60 (120 reais in 2003) per week. I remember him parading around with other teenagers and young men toting M-16s and other automatic weapons as they protected the open drug operations and patrolled a baile funk, a weekend block party attended by thousands of local residents. With the police in plain view, the CV soldiers fired their weapons into the air in an open show of force sometime after 2 A.M., yelling their signature slogan “É nós.” I tracked down Mateuszinho at the science museum (Museu do Amanhá) where he now works as head of security. He is now one of over 65 million  Brazilians, in an Evangelical church, the fastest growing religion in Brazil, second only to the Catholic Church with 105 million members.[2]

    “O Grito dos Excluídos” march on September 7th against fascism and Bolsonarismo (photo credit: Danny Shaw)

    Rene continues to coordinate Arte Transformadora which serves 476 youth from O Complexo da Penha, 13 favelas spread over 13 hills where landless families first eeked out an existence when slavery was officially “abolished” in 1888.[3] Brazil was the last nation on earth to officially outlaw slavery. Deprived of forty acres and a mule or any type of support or reperations from the state, millions of newly “freed” slaves were left to fend for themselves in a caste society regimented by race and class. Favelas, named after a type of tree native to the Northeast, home to many slaves and migrant laborers who headed South, emerged as the name of these hilltop shantytowns. Rene matter-of-factly talked about identifying and delivering the bodies of youth soldiers of the Comando Vermelho to their families after they were shot down by the UPP (Police Pacifying Unit). Often, the police only allowed him or another community leader to cross police lines to retrieve the bodies. Rene still jokes with hustlers armed with walkie talkies and automatic weapons, children he held in his own arms only a decade before. Arte Transformadora seeks to plant seeds of hope and success in the minds of preteens and teens who may otherwise become cannon fodder for Rio’s drug war.

    Visiting these close friends nearly two decades later gave me deeper insight into the two different directions this South American economic juggernaut might take on October 2nd.

    Lula meets with Evangelical Church on September 9th in São Gonçalo (photo credit: Danny Shaw)

    The Showdown

    156,454,011 Brazilians are eligible to vote next week for the president, 27 governors, 27 senators, 513 Congress people, 1,035 state representatives, and 24 district representatives. 28,274 candidates are squaring off for these positions, representing a vast array of parties, ranging from socialist to far-right.[4]

    Jair Bolsonaro is the incumbent president who won the 2018 presidential election over the Partido dos Trabalhadores’ (PT) Fernando Haddad, due largely to the lawfair and misinformation campaign that had been underway against the PT since it first won executive power in 2003. Bolsonaro has employed Trump-esque tactics, preemptively questioning the integrity of the voting machines. Netlab, a unit at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro,[5] found that YouTube was favoring algorithms that promoted these Bolsonaro myths. Bolsonaro and his fellow senators have a history of denigrating and intimidating journalists.[6] As the presidential campaigns began to heat up, this former Army Artillery Officer is actively trying to get the military further involved in politics[7] and positioned to overturn the decisions of the Electoral Commission[8] to verify the elections if he were to lose. Some analysts are contemplating whether his camp has the power to stage an October coup.[9] More recently, however, Bolsonaro has tried to strike a more conciliatory tone saying “If it’s God’s will, I’ll continue (as president). If not, I’ll pass the (presidential) sash and retire.[10]

    For the past two weeks Globo, CNN Brasil and the other mouthpieces of the economic and political establishment have published headlines stating that Datafolha polls give Lula 45% of the vote and Bolsonaro 33%.[11] A student of Trumpian tactics, Bolsonaro has for the past four years positioned himself as the victim of “the liberal media” and “fake news.”[12] A military insider and political “outsider,” Bolsonaro has more recently made a list ditch effort to implement populist economic measures to shore up more votes, approving a $7.7 billion dollar stimulus package, which increases cash handouts to struggling families by 50%. According to the same Brazilian study, 61 percent of voters view this eleventh hour move as politically motivated to  cut Lula’s lead in the polls.[13]

    Datafolha’s research lays out the demographics of Brazil’s divided vote:

    50 percent of women are expected to vote for Lula and 27 percent for Bolsonaro. Young people, aged 16 to 24, are twice as likely to vote for Lula. The demographic least likely to vote for Bolsonaro is Black women. Afro-Brazilians in general, and families making less than twice the minimum wage (which is roughly 55 percent of the electorate), are less likely to vote for him. Bolsonaro is leading among white males; and among families making over five times the minimum wage, he polls at 47% to Lula’s 35%.[14]

    According to another Datafolha study, Lula maintains 53 percent of the Catholic vote versus Bolsonaro’s 30 percent.[15] In the case of other religions — such as the Afro-Brazilian candomblé, the PT candidate is polling four times higher than his Liberal Party rival. Lula has a comfortable lead among self-defined atheists, with 60 percent expected to vote for him and 22 percent for the incumbent. Among Evangelical Christians, Bolsonaro’s main base, he is polling at 52 percent. Bolsonaro’s appeal to this sector comes from the fact that he “promotes conservative family values and opposes abortion and same-sex marriage.”[16] The fact that 34 percent of the people in Bolsonaro’s key demographic now say they will vote for Lula is immensely significant. On September 9th, Lula met with members of the Evangelical Church of São Gonçalo on the outskirts of Río and in an emotional appeal laid out why he is the real candidate for those who believe in God and in justice.[17]

    The attempt to build a popular anti-fascist front with more right-leaning and center candidates led Lula to select former São Paulo governor Geraldo Alckman as his running mate. Professor Luis Mergulhāo elucidates why many on the left find Alckman objectionable.[18] Regardless of these valid critiques, seven former Brazilian presidential candidates have come out in support of Lula. His ability to build the largest electoral alliance in the six times he has run for president shows that Lula is an astute political strategist.[19]

    There are other exciting historic races under way as well. Though beyond the scope of this article, it is worth highlighting one such race. Black City Councilwoman Carol Dartora is running under the slogan “Paraná is also ours.”[20] Dartora managed to push through Affirmative Action legislation in the southern Curitiba city government even though 70% of the council men and women were right wing, representing the racist politics that have long dominated the region. She joined Lula at a massive campaign rally on September 18th showing that Brazil’s three Southern states, Paraná, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul, which are a majority European descendent, also have a strong PT base.[21]

    The Lula and Dilma PT Years: Social base and sister organizations

    Brasilwire, a website that closely follows the twists and turns of Brazilian politics through an anti-imperialist lens, offers an overview of the anti-neo-liberal track record of the PT. Between 2003 and the Lawfare coup against President Dilma Rousseff in 2016, the PT helped lift 40 million Brazilians out of poverty,[22] expanded university access for working class and Afro-Brazilian students, granted labor rights to Brazil’s long exploited domestic servants,[23] and stimulated internal production and created a market for nationally manufactured goods.[24] Lula speaks the language of the masses of Brazil, challenging the arrogance and invincibility of the other candidates who represent Brazil’s 0.1 percent. On Sunday, August 27th, in the first nationally televised presidential debate, he stood up to the other candidates who challenged his executive track record, saying “You may not have seen the changes we (the PT) carried out, but your gardeners, your drivers, your bodyguards, and your maids did.”[25] Millions erupted into applause as their Lula spoke truth to power.

    Lula’s social welfare programs did not always bring about structural change, but they did lift millions of Brazilians out of poverty. One of Lula’s stated goals, which he speaks about on the campaign trail, is to ensure every Brazilian is able to eat three meals a day. The PT democratized higher education. According to a World Bank study, in 2002, there were zero students from the poorest 20 percent of the population attending college and only 4 percent of college students came from the poorest 40 percent.[26] Two-and-a-half terms of PT leadership changed this dramatically. By 2015, approximately 15 percent of higher education students were from the two poorest quintile of Brazilian society. For the first time, working-class and Black Brazilians could get that critical university education.

    To further understand the PT’s defense of the poor, we must look at its base and its sister organizations and the work that they do on the frontlines of the class struggle. The true working class base of the PT is the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT).[27] The largest union in South America and fifth largest in the world, the CUT has 7,847,077 dues-paying members and 23,981,044 associated union members.[28] 48 CUT leaders, representing a vast array of trades from public workers to professors, are running in the current elections. Citing the 1988 Brazilian constitution, the CUT writes: “Article number 1 states all power emanates from the people who exercise it through elected representatives or directly in the terms of this constitution.”[29] The Ibitinga, São Paulo-based teacher and CUT Secretary of Administration and Treasury, Ariovaldo de Camargo,[30] lays out a class-based view of these elections: “Bosses pick bosses. Workers vote for workers. We have a wide array of workers before us to vote for.”[31]

    The Movement of Landless Workers, the MST, works closely with the PT and other leftist parties. Since the 1980’s, the MST has mobilized some 370,000 families to carry out 2,500 collective land occupations against latifundios (massive estates held by individuals or corporations).[32] Despite constant threats and attacks from the Military Police, the largest social movement in the history of the hemisphere has liberated 7.5 million hectares of land and set in motion critical education programs, increased agricultural production, cooperatives, and quality health care.

    The National Movement for Struggle for Housing, The MNLM, builds “solidarity in urban spaces, in a unique, organic relationship with the MST. Beyond land, we fight for housing lots, homes, sanitation and the other needs of marginalized populations.”[33] This organization of “squatters” has appropriated homes for thousands of families and set up collectived educational centers and child care.

    Victories by the PT, the Party for Socialism and Liberty (Psol), and the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) would keep space open for such redistribution and reparations to continue. A Bolsonaro victory would heighten the intensity of violence against society’s most vulnerable social actors and social movements.

    Implications for Brazil’s foreign policy

    The Bolsonaro administration has been a firm ally in Washington’s drive against left and left-leaning governments in Latin America, and has distanced Brazil from the cause of regional integration. In stark contrast, a third Lula administration would once again make Brazil a champion of regional independence and integration by playing an active role in the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) which Brazil left in 2020, and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) which Brazil left in 2019. Lula would also be a strong advocate for Bolivia’s full membership in the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR). And just as Colombian President Gustavo Petro has made amends with the Chavista government of Venezuela, if elected, Lula would cease all hostilities and embrace a cooperative relationship with the Bolivarian Republic. Brazil would play a stronger role in BRICS and the building of a multipolar world. During his presidency, Lula served as an international peace maker trying to help negotiate a “nuclear deal” between the United States and Iran; if elected, he would likely resume efforts to advance world peace.[34]

    Lula’s foreign policy will represent the reintegration of Brazil into the Bolivarian family and further momentum for the progressive transformations underway across the continent from Cochabamba to Caracas to Mexico C/ity.[35] Lula has spoken of building a unifying South American currency, the Sur. At a campaign rally, Lula remembered: “The US was very afraid when I discussed a new currency and Obama called me: ‘Are you trying to create a new currency, a new euro?’. I said, ‘No, I’m just trying to get rid of the US dollar. I’m just trying not to be dependent.’”[36]

    Despite such massive gains against an entrenched economic and political elite, segments of the U.S. “left” have been very critical of the PT.[37] Though the PT has been subject to legitimate critique, Brazil Wire documented how Jacobin, a magazine affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America, published 38 articles on Brazil from 2014-2017. All 38 presented a negative view of the PT. A far cry from the more radical policies of other Pink Tide presidents like Hugo Chavez or Fidel Castro, most of the left in Brazil today is united behind electing Lula and other progressive candidates as the next step towards challenging Brazil’s status as a neo colony of the West. Up against such a formidable proto-fascist foe, how important is it for the U.S. left to stand with those most under attack?

    Bolsonarismo: the Militarization of Brazilian Society

    For a country that lived through a two-decade-long military dictatorship from 1964-1984, the specter of the return to a police state is real.  The newspaper A Nova Democracia  conducted a study of “The Super-Salaries of the Generals” that Bolsonaro has worked alongside, inherited, appointed, and promoted.[38]  According to author Gabriel dos Santos, 215 Military Officers receive monthly salaries of R$32,153,77, 30 times more than the minimum wage in Brazil. Other generals such as Vice-president Hamilton Mourão, Augusto Heleno, and former Defense Minister and currentVice-presidential candidate, Walter Souza Braga Netto, have received phantom titles as 4-star marechais (marshalls) and earn a whopping 111.2 thousand reais per month, about 100 times what an everyday worker earns. Bragga gained notoriety when he coordinated the 2014 military occupation of Complexo da Maré, a series of  oppressed communities with a population of over 130,000 in the North Zone of the city of Río de Janeiro.[39]

    Many of these generals oversaw the 2003-2018 United Nations’ Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). 30,000 Brazilian soldiers, led by generals who today occupy high-ranking positions in Bolsonaro’s cabinet, occupied Haiti and contributed to massacres in Cite Soleil, Fort National, and Belè.[40] These same generals returned to play a role in the occupation of Rochinha and other favelas to conduct “a War on Drugs” that reached its zenith with 1,814 official police killings in Rio in 2019.[41]

    Scholar Thiago Sardinha, a specialist on paramilitary groups across Brazil, highlights the training Brazilian military and paramilitary groups have received from both France and the United States.[42] Used for U.S. interventions in Haiti and Central America, the Agency for International Development (AID) has a special department called The Office of Public Security.[43] In Brazil this office  is in charge of training foreign police. Sardinha identifies the reign of terror of both the offical police in São Paulo, Goias and beyond, and the role of paramilitary, extra-official militias which control and collect taxes in many Rio communities.

    Bolsonaro’s rhetoric has led the New York Times to lead with the following headline: The Question Menacing Brazil’s Elections: Coup or No Coup?[44] The president’s camp recently met with Steve Bannon, who repeated the same unproven claims that “Bolsonaro will win unless it is stolen by, guess what, the machines.”[45] Jason Miller, a Senior Trump Strategist, spoke at Brazil’s bicentennial independence day.[46] Bolsonaro, amidst a sea of yellow and green Brazilian flags, turned “the independence day celebrations” in Copacabana, Brazilia, and throughout the country into campaign rallies. He is now under investigation for illegally combining these two events.

    Professor Danny Shaw

    Professor Danny Shaw at Arte Transformadora in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, teaching a boxing workshop (photo credit: Danny Shaw).

    Bolsonarismo: Polarization and the Open Veins of Brazil

    FAIR published a scathing critique of a new documentary BBC and PBS released two weeks before the election which present Bolsonaro as a heroic rags to riches story.[47] While the liberal media has traditionally been at odds with the Trumps, Dutertes, and Bolsonaro, why would the Tories ofEngland and sectors of the U.S. ruling class, particularly business interests, so openly embrace such an odious, graceless figure like Bolsonaro?

    From the perspective of foreign capital Bolsonaro represents unfettered access to the open veins of Brazil, the world’s tenth largest economy with a GDP of 1.8 trillion dollars.[48] Bolsonaros’s party is called the Liberal Party and the Minister of Economy is Paulo Geudes, who was trained in a PhD program at the University of Chicago under Milton Friedman in the 1970s. Because Lula, Dilma, and the PT would not go along with the Washington consensus, they had to be removed from power and, in the case of Lula, imprisoned. Lula was cleared of all 26 of the bogus charges.[49]

    The showdown between a former union leader who lost a finger in a São Paulo factory and a career military man who emerged as the mouthpiece of Brazil’s economic and military elites speaks to the deep divisions in Brazilian society.

    Professor Danny Shaw
    Professor Danny Shaw participates at a Conference at the Centro Federal de Educação Tecnológica Celso Suckow da Fonseca (CEFET). Photo credit: Danny Shaw.

    The Brazilian Senate approved a 1,100 page report evaluating Bolsonaro’s denial of the COVID-19 pandemic and his disastrous handling of it.[50] Brazil has had the most deaths from COVID, 685,422 in total, after the United States.[51] Despite his disastrous handling of the COVID-19 epidemic, Bolsonarismo has a strong social base. Even a robust win for the PT will not make this base go away overnight. Centuries of white supremacy and class rule have segregated Brazilian society along class, racial, and gender lines.

    Black Brazilians continue to face an epidemic of police violence and systemic discrimination. Journalist Jean Wyllys, Brazil’s second openly gay member of parliament and first gay-rights activist congressman, and translator and activist Julie Wark, summarize the struggles of Black and indigenous Brazilians: “The human and physical destructiveness of capitalism, a system in which pretos (Blacks), whose slave labour was essential toits construction, are very far from the spheres of power, wealth, and decision-making. Rather, they are under the yoke and marginalized. In Brazil, Blacks account for 75.2 percent of the population in the lowest income group whereas 25.4 percent of the general population lives in poverty; A Black person earns only 56.1 cents for every dollar a white person earns; 32.9% of Black people live  below the poverty line ($5.50 per day); while 8.8 percent live in extreme poverty ($1.90 per day).”[52]

    Anti-racist organizers in the U.S. can relate to the situation in Brazil. Just in 2019, Bolsanoro’s first year of governance, 31 activists were murdered for defending their land.[53] There were no convictions against any of the assassins. This is similar to what The Boston Globe calls “vehicle ramming” against Black Lives Matter protestors (The Globe has investigated 139 such hate crimes in the U.S. since the murder of George Floyd).

    On September 8th, a Bolsominion, the slang name for Bolsonaro’s supporters, murdered a Lula supporter after a disagreement overpolitics.[54] These incidents have become more and more common. On September 17th, a group called the “Communist Hunters” warned the PT’s Minas Gerais state lawmaker Andréia de Jesus: “We are going to shoot you in the back like a traitor, Marielle (Franco) awaits you. Viva Ustra.”[55]

    Recovery, Redemption, and Reparations: Which Way Forward?

    I will forever be grateful to Binho, Mateuszinho, and Rene. My dozens of pages of quickly scribbled notes in my pocket notebooks speak to what they taught me. “As viagems formam a juventude,” (Travelling helps define our youth). My greatest tribute to them is helping fight for a world that does not confine our children from O Complexo do Alemão to the Bronx to a suffocating everyday rat-race battle for survival and a shred of dignity.

    In his legendary essay, “Fifth Avenue, Uptown,” James Baldwin wrote “A ghetto can be improved in one way only: out of existence.”[56] Capitalism and white supremacy and their inevitable bastard offspring – generational trauma, gangs, drugs, misogyny, prison, and a long list of social ills – guarantee more human suffering and humiliation. Brazil suffers from a crack epidemic and alcoholism that has shattered hundreds of thousands of families. Bolsonarismo deploys rhetoric that enables the most retrograde actors a free reign to enact more violence upon women, the LGBT community, Black Brazilians, and Indigenous communities. What we are witnessing in Brazil is late neocolonialism’s desperate attempts to divide society and scapegoat the most oppressed layers so that society’s overlords can save their own skin.

    While Río de Janeiro is but one small piece of the fabric of a diverse society of 210 million people spread across the world’s most diverse lands in terms of fauna, flora, and animal species, these human stories are a microcosm of the lives and struggles of how many millions of working-class Brazilians?[57]

    Every victory for the Partido dos Trabalhadores, and other progressive parties like the PCdoB and the Psol at the local, state, and federal level–and chiefly, of course, for Lula at the presidential level–brings Brazil and this generation of fighters that much closer to realizing Baldwin’s dream.

    Sources

    [1] ​​Estrategista de Trump, Steve Bannon ecoa Bolsonaro em mentiras sobre urnas eletrônicas”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D_3WSn7jOfo

    [2] “Why Brazil’s Bolsonaro is courting evangelicals in the world’s biggest Catholic nation”,

    https://www.wlrn.org/news/2022-08-25/why-brazils-bolsonaro-is-courting-evangelicals-in-the-worlds-biggest-catholic-nation

    [3] Artetransformadora”, https://www.instagram.com/artetransformadora/

    [4] “Eleição este ano terá mais de 28 mil candidatos; veja os números”, https://www12.senado.leg.br/noticias/materias/2022/08/16/eleicao-este-ano-tera-mais-de-28-mil-candidatos-veja-os-numeros

    [5] “YouTube Pushing Pro-Bolsonaro Content To Brazilians, Study Finds”, https://www.brasilwire.com/googles-youtube-platform-pushing-pro-bolsonaro-content-to-brazilians-finds-study/

    [6] TelesurEnglish https://twitter.com/telesurenglish/status/1570236758725480448?s=20&t=uq6NpfuhlvfFuhu1dyBo9g

    [7] “Eleições. Militares poderão colocar Justiça Eleitoral sob suspeita”, https://noticias.uol.com.br/colunas/walter-maierovitch/2022/09/15/eleicao-militares-poderao-colocar-justica-eleitoral-sob-suspeita.htm

    [8] “Brazil Military’s “Parallel Vote Count” Poses Great Risk To Democracy”, https://www.brasilwire.com/militarys-parallel-vote-count-poses-great-risk-to-democracy/

    [9] https://twitter.com/BrianMteleSUR/status/1570114278933274628?s=20&t=uq6NpfuhlvfFuhu1dyBo9g

    [10] “Brazil’s Bolsonaro says he will retire if he loses October vote”,

    https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20220913-brazil-s-bolsonaro-says-he-will-retire-if-he-loses-october-vote

    [11] “Pesquisa Datafolha para presidente: Lula tem 45%; e Bolsonaro, 33%”, https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/politica/pesquisa-datafolha-para-presidente-lula-tem-45-e-bolsonaro-33/

    [12] “Mentiras sobre Bolsonaro mostram que ninguém está livre das fake news”, https://www.metropoles.com/brasil/mentiras-sobre-bolsonaro-mostram-que-ninguem-esta-livre-das-fake-news

    [13] “Voters see through Bolsonaro’s Economic Populism, Poll Says”, https://brazilian.report/liveblog/2022/08/04/voters-bolsonaro-economic-populism/

    [14] https://especiaisg1.globo/politica/eleicoes/2022/pesquisas-eleitorais/presidente/1-turno/

    [15] “Datafolha: Lula reage entre evangélicos, e vantagem de Bolsonaro recua sete pontos”, https://extra.globo.com/noticias/politica/datafolha-lula-reage-entre-evangelicos-vantagem-de-bolsonaro-recua-sete-pontos-25573698.html

    [16] “Why Brazil’s Bolsonaro is courting evangelicals in the world’s biggest Catholic nation”, https://www.wlrn.org/news/2022-08-25/why-brazils-bolsonaro-is-courting-evangelicals-in-the-worlds-biggest-catholic-nation

    [17] https://twitter.com/J_LIVRES/status/1568257757370802177?s=20&t=I8QIFmdMpf3WaZg4XQTdQg

    [18] https://www.instagram.com/reel/Ch7oWESJKm0/?igshid=ZjA0NjI3M2I=

    [19]https://twitter.com/telesurenglish/status/1571928719186444289?s=20&t=te58T16ttZSnTCZbl89POg

    [20] https://twitter.com/caroldartora13

    [21]https://twitter.com/caroldartora13/status/1571508059423350787?s=20&t=te58T16ttZSnTCZbl89POg

    [22] Cerca de 40 milhoes de pessoas ingressaram na classe aponta pesquisa”, https://oglobo.globo.com/economia/cerca-de-40-milhoes-de-pessoas-ingressaram-na-classe-aponta-pesquisa-da-fgv-2756988

    [23] “Dilma assina regulamentação dos direitos das domésticas, diz Planalto”, https://g1.globo.com/politica/noticia/2015/06/dilma-assina-regulamentacao-dos-direitos-das-domesticas-diz-planalto.html

    [24] “Impactos da Redução do Imposto sobre Produtos Industrializados (IPI) de Automóveis”, https://www.ipea.gov.br/portal/images/stories/PDFs/2009_nt015_agosto_dimac.pdf

    [25] https://twitter.com/dannyshawcuny/status/1564420901491261441?s=20&t=te58T16ttZSnTCZbl89POg

    [26] “The Persistence of Inequity in Brazilian Higher Education: Background Data and Student Performance”, https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-69691-7_4

    [27] https://www.cut.org.br/conteudo/breve-historico

    [28] https://www.cut.org.br/conteudo/breve-historico

    [29] “Para lutar por direitos sociais e trabalhistas, CUT lança 49 candidatos no país”, https://www.cut.org.br/noticias/para-lutar-por-direitos-sociais-e-trabalhistas-cut-lanca-48-candidatos-no-pais-54a2

    [30] https://www.cut.org.br/biografia/ariovaldo-de-camargo

    [31] “Para lutar por direitos sociais e trabalhistas, CUT lança 49 candidatos no país”, https://www.cut.org.br/noticias/para-lutar-por-direitos-sociais-e-trabalhistas-cut-lanca-48-candidatos-no-pais-54a2

    [32] “What is the MST?”, https://www.mstbrazil.org/content/what-mst

    [33] https://www.google.com/url?q=https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/48463/1/external_content.pdf&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1664051335228237&usg=AOvVaw2szPCvepnWjzRovz1S2jMu

    [34] “The Most Important Election in the Americas is in Brazil’, https://www.counterpunch.org/2022/09/01/the-most-important-election-in-the-americas-is-in-brazil/

    [35] https://twitter.com/dannyshawcuny/status/1565127955033907200?s=20&t=te58T16ttZSnTCZbl89POg

    [36] https://twitter.com/dannyshawcuny/status/1561056783191265280?s=20&t=te58T16ttZSnTCZbl89POg

    [37] “How The US Left Failed Brasil”, https://www.brasilwire.com/how-the-us-left-failed-brasil/

    [38] Dos Santos, Garbrel. December 2021.

    [39] “Braga Netto, o general que Bolsonaro escolheu como candidato a vice”, https://www.infomoney.com.br/perfil/walter-braga-netto/

    [40] “10 Reasons Why UN Occupation of Haiti Must End”, https://haitiliberte.com/10-reasons-why-un-occupation-of-haiti-must-end/

    [41] “Number of deaths caused by police intervention in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil from 2003 to 2021”, https://www.statista.com/statistics/1007090/number-deaths-police-intervention-rio-brazil/

    [42] https://revistaopera.com.br/2021/05/07/imperialismo-e-grupos-armados-no-brasil/

    [43] https://revistaopera.com.br/2021/05/07/imperialismo-e-grupos-armados-no-brasil/

    [44] “The Question Menacing Brazil’s Elections: Coup or No Coup?”, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/22/world/americas/brazil-election-bolsonaro-coup.html

    [45] https://twitter.com/dannyshawcuny/status/1561319122503213057?s=20&t=te58T16ttZSnTCZbl89POg

    [46] https://twitter.com/dannyshawcuny/status/1567614197667864576?s=20&t=I8QIFmdMpf3WaZg4XQTdQg

    [47] “PBS and BBC Team Up to Misinform About Brazil’s Bolsonaro”, https://fair.org/home/pbs-and-bbc-team-up-to-misinform-about-brazils-bolsonaro/

    [48] “The World’s Largest Economies, 2022”, https://ceoworld.biz/2022/09/05/the-worlds-largest-economies-2022/

    [49] https://twitter.com/BrianMteleSUR/status/1559211263074385921?s=20&t=te58T16ttZSnTCZbl89POg

    [50] “The Toll of Bolsonaro’s Disastrous Covid-19 Response”, https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/10/27/toll-bolsonaros-disastrous-covid-19-response

    [51] https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/countries-where-coronavirus-has-spread/

    [52] “Brazil, Amazon, World: Being Black”, https://www.counterpunch.org/2022/07/21/brazil-amazon-world-being-black/

    [53] “Zero convictions as impunity blocks justice for victims of Brazil’s rural violence”, https://news.mongabay.com/2021/02/zero-convictions-as-impunity-blocks-justice-for-victims-of-brazils-rural-violence/

    [54] “Apoiador de Bolsonaro mata defensor de Lula a facadas em MT após discussão”, https://www.cartacapital.com.br/politica/apoiador-de-bolsonaro-mata-defensor-de-lula-a-facadas-em-mt-apos-discussao/

    [55] https://twitter.com/BrianMteleSUR/status/1571140932136996864?s=20&t=uq6NpfuhlvfFuhu1dyBo9g

    [56] “Fifth Avenue, Uptown”, https://www.esquire.com/news-politics/a3638/fifth-avenue-uptown/

    [57] “Brasil is not Rio”, https://www.brasilwire.com/brasil-is-not-rio/

    Bolivarian soccer genius–Diego Maradona ¡Presente!

    0

    Originally published on November 26, 2020 with William Camacaro at Council on Hemispheric Affairs

    The fighting peoples of the world lost a humble legend yesterday. Diego Armando Maradona was 60 years old. Arguably the greatest soccer player to ever grace the pitches, the spirited striker combined unparalleled skills in his sport and an unflinching outspokenness before oppression. No other sports figure’s public statements and transformation has equally captured the changing momentum across Latin America.

    The hundreds of thousands of tributes being paid throughout the world portray a particular image: Maradona in close solidarity with the biggest progressive leaders of the social reformist wave embraced by the peoples of Latin America, the so called Pink Tide. In fact, Maradona put to the service of the Bolivarian revolution in Latin America all his fame, his influence, and his skilled legs. He embraced the peoples of Cuba, Venezuela, Brazil, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Argentina and more, by developing deep friendships with Fidel, Raúl, Lula, Evo, Hugo, Nicolás, Daniel, the Kirchners, and many more.

    Maradona was for the people of South America what Muhammad Ali was for Black America.

    The Falklands War

    Born in Lanús and raised in the oppressed community of Villa Fiorito in the outskirts of Buenos Aires, “the golden kid’s” (pibe de oro) talent from an early age fetched him million dollar contracts first in his homeland and then in Barcelona and Napoli.[1] No stranger to controversy, “the soccer god,” with his rebellious natural hair, was irreverent before elites and defiant to the core. When a Spanish player hurled racist epithets at him because of his indigenous ancestry, Maradona headbutted him leading to a brawl that was broadcast before King Juan Carlos, in front of a hundred thousand fans in the stadium and with half of Spain watching on television.

    Maradona, who was 22 years old at the time, was radicalized by England’s 1982 Falklands War assault on his homeland, known in Latin America as “la guerra de las Malvinas” and “la guerra del Atlántico Sur”. Causing untold agony and trauma, hundreds of soldiers died on both sides and numerous veterans committed suicide for years after. Reagan’s US claimed to be a “mediator” but stayed faithful to their junior colonial partner led by the ultra-conservative Margaret Thatcher.

    This was the backdrop of the 1986 semi final showdown between the two countries, without diplomatic relations, at the World Cup in Mexico City. Argentina was South America and South America was Argentina.

    Maradona’s famous “Hand of God” goal.

    During this fateful match, Maradona famously scored a crafty goal where slow motion highlights show he illegally used his hand to redirect the ball into the English net. When the English team accused him after the game at the press conference of cheating by using his hand, he responded that “sería la mano de dios,” “it must have been the hand of god.”[2] Sports analysts applauded the “picardía” or Argentine cunningness behind the maneuver.[3] The second goal was a miracle of human athletic skill. Maradona made a full sprint, starting on the Argentinian side, far from the English goalkeeper, and clearing a path through a minefield of English defenders, to execute a stunning goal that went down in sports history as “the goal of the century.” [4]

    These heroic acts sealed Diego’s destiny as an enormously popular figure combatting neo-colonialism.

    To beat England in Latin America was to exact revenge on the invading enemy. The soccer field was an extension of the battlefield; the arrogant English were expelled. This was the symbolic recuperation of Argentine and South American dignity.[5]

    “Patria es humanidad” (“The homeland is humanity”)

    Jose Martí wrote that “our homeland is humanity.” The relationship Maradona established with Cuba was the full expression of the Cuban historic leader and poet’s words.

    In 2000, an overweight and beleaguered Maradona travelled to Cuba to treat his drug addiction.[6] Fidel Castro visited him in his worst moments and helped take care of him. The Cuban president  took off his military coat and gave it to the patient. Maradona said he adored Fidel because he was “genuine and cared about human problems that others brushed aside.”[7] The down-and-out “wretched of the earth” was not rejected in Havana; he was accepted, treated like a dignified human being and loved. This moment of healing was another of Maradona’s entry points into the tide of resistance that was flowing across the Americas.

    Jose Marti wrote that “our homeland is humanity.”
    The relationship Maradona established with Cuba
    was the full expression of the Cuban historic leader and poet’s words.

    The same year, Japan denied Maradona a visa because of strict laws barring anybody from the country who had a history with drugs.[8] Today, however, past and present Japanese soccer players pay tribute to Maradona.[9]

    The Frontlines in the Battle of Ideas

    The Argentinian took great pride in the rising of Latin America’s second independence which began on December 6th, 1998 with Hugo Chávez’s electoral victory in Venezuela.

    In 2005, the Frente Amplio’s Tabaré Vázquez received George Bush in Uruguay in a move that was considered a betrayal by his party and the region. Bush was promoting the FTAA, the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas.[10] “Free trade” to Maradona and millions of Latin Americans is the freedom of the U.S. and transnational capital to expand its tentacles across more of the continent.

    The Bolivarian Revolution was advancing across Latin America and had recently paid off Argentina’s foreign debt. Hugo Chávez traveled to Argentina to contest the interventionist and free trade agenda of the U.S. leader. La Plata river divided the two countries and the two sides of history. Rising to the historical occasion, with Diego by his side donning a “Stop Bush” t-shirt, the Venezuelan leader famously chanted: “El que no brinca es yankee” (If you don’t jump you’re an imperialist.) Maradona gave credence to Evo Morales’ catch phrase: “the empire stands with the right wing, football stands with the left.”[11]

    This was the battle of ideas Castro spoke of.

    A strong backer of the Pink Tide

    It is perhaps difficult to appreciate Maradona’s greatness in a country whose sports loyalties are divided between baseball, North American football and basketball. In South America and Europe, soccer is king. In Napoli, restaurants have alcoves reserved for hanging religious idols. There beside them is Maradona. The mayor has announced the famed Saint Paul stadium should be renamed after one of the city’s most beloved.[12]

    Rising to the historical occasion, with Diego by his side donning a “Stop Bush” t-shirt, the Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez famously chanted: “El que no brinca es yankee” (If you don’t jump you’re an imperialist.)
    And Maradona gave credence to Evo Morales’ catch phrase: “the empire stands with the right wing, football stands with the left.”

    The mainstream press is also remembering the football titan but consciously shying away from his political commitments. Other outlets are accusing Maradona of being anti-American. Like the political leaders he so admired, Maradona never expressed ire towards the people of the United States but rather towards its political elites who thought they were “the county sheriff.”[13]

    Through the years of the Pink Tide, Maradona was a regular on television programs and at rallies with Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Daniel Ortega, José “Pepe” Mujica and other anti-imperialist figures of the continent. His tattoos of Ernesto Che Guevara and Fidel Castro brought a new meaning to the phrase “he wore his feelings on his sleeve.” His program “De Zurda” on TeleSUR in 2014 with Víctor Hugo Morales, the famed Uruguayan sportscaster, combined humor, sports analysis and progressive political commentary. Last year, following a coaching win in April, he stated: “I want to dedicate this victory to Nicolás Maduro and all Venezuelans, who are suffering. These Yankees, the sheriffs of the world, think just because they have the world’s biggest bomb they can push us around. But no, not us.”[14]

    Those who had the honor to meet Dieguito remember him as a people’s person who was always accessible. Though he had his own personal struggles, he never wavered in his commitments to elevating the voices of the poor and defending the underdog. Yesterday, on the fourth anniversary of Fidel Castro’s passing, one of his students and admirers joined him in eternity, having left so much for us all to savor and learn from.

    End Notes

    [1] “Los apodos de Maradona: ¿por qué le llamaban Pelusa, Barrilete Cósmico o D10S?”, https://as.com/tikitakas/2020/11/25/portada/1606327193_331660.html

    [2] “PAYBACK Argentina legend Diego Maradona says ‘Hand of God’ goal against England was symbolic revenge’ for the Falklands War”, https://talksport.com/football/559182/argentina-legend-diego-maradona-says-hand-of-god-goal-against-england-revenge-falklands-war/

    [3] “El otro lado de ’La Mano de Dios’ – El mítico gol de Diego Maradona a Inglaterra en México ’86”,

    https://youtube.com/watch?v=ECBSXol6hss%3Ffeature%3Doembed

    [4] “Maradona – Gol del siglo”,

    https://youtube.com/watch?v=jOz2uGMTA2w%3Ffeature%3Doembed

    [5] “PAYBACK Argentina legend Diego Maradona says ‘Hand of God’ goal against England was symbolic revenge’ for the Falklands War”, https://talksport.com/football/559182/argentina-legend-diego-maradona-says-hand-of-god-goal-against-england-revenge-falklands-war/

    [6] “Muere Maradona: la amistad entre el astro argentino y Fidel Castro, dos polémicos íconos de América Latina que murieron el mismo día”, https://www.bbc.com/mundo/deportes-55076777#:~:text=Maradona%20se%20estableci%C3%B3%20en%20Cuba,su%20adicci%C3%B3n%20a%20las%20drogas.

    [7] “Maradona viajó a Cuba para continuar su tratamiento contra las drogas”, https://www.abc.es/deportes/futbol/abci-maradona-viajo-cuba-para-continuar-tratamiento-contra-drogas-200409200300-9623741839090_noticia.html

    [8] “La Copa Europeo-Sudamericana. Maradona, sin visa para ir a Japón”, https://www.lanacion.com.ar/deportes/maradona-sin-visa-para-ir-a-japon-nid42289/

    [9]https://english.kyodonews.net/news/2020/11/d2d41aaecc08-soccer-past-and-present-japanese-players-pay-tribute-to-maradona.html

    [10] “10,000 protest against Bush”, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/nov/04/usa.argentina

    [11] “EVO MORALES: EL IMPERIO ESTÁ CON LA DERECHA Y EL FÚTBOL CON LA ZURDA”,

    EVO MORALES: EL IMPERIO ESTA CON LA DERECHA Y EL FÚTBOL CON LA ZURDA

    http://elbolivianoenvivo.com/evo-morales-el-imperio-esta-con-la-derecha-y-el-futbol-con-la-zurda/embed/#?secret=WHXAw2IoMu

    [12] “Move over St. Paul: Napoli stadium to be named for Maradona”, https://sports.yahoo.com/naples-mayor-begins-process-rename-095659735.html?guccounter=1

    [13] “After Maradona’s Death, His Opinion of America Resurfaces: ‘I Hate Everything From the U.S.’” https://www.newsweek.com/diego-maradona-death-hated-everything-united-states-1550353

    [14] Anya Parampil, https://twitter.com/anyaparampil/status/1331703333334159360?s=20

    The Day Flatbush Exploded: The NYPD Murder and Funeral of Patrick Dorismond

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    Thousands marched alongside the funeral cortege of Patrick Dorismond on Mar. 25, 2000. Shortly later, the mourners were in pitched battles with the police.

    Originally published on March 18, 2015

    Mar. 16, 2000 was a day like any other for Patrick Dorismond. He worked his shift as a security guard at the 34th Street Partnership in Manhattan and went to have a beer with a coworker after work at the Wakamba Cocktail Lounge. He was in a good mood because the next day was payday.

    As Patrick left the bar after midnight, some middle-aged men approached him trying to score some marijuana. Patrick politely told them he didn’t do drugs and asked them to keep it moving. They insisted that surely he knew where they could score. The situation escalated until Patrick’s voice rose, warning the troublemakers to get lost.

    The men were undercover NYPD officers instructed to “bring in the dope-peddling good-for-nothings.” Patrick, a 26-year-old Haitian-American whose parents had immigrated to Brooklyn, fit the cops’ profile of a “good-for-nothing,” and they planned to fulfill their quota. Without identifying themselves, the cops attacked the security guard. When Patrick defended himself , two other back-up officers – called “ghosts” –  intervened, shooting him in the chest, killing him instantly.

    That night, Patrick did not go home to his fiancée Karen and their one-year-old daughter Destiny.

    To the naïve, the shooting was a terrible isolated tragedy. But the Black community knew this was police “business as usual,” endured by Black people for decades.

    Patrick Dorismond, a 26-year-old Haitian-American, was shot dead by undercover NYPD cops on Mar. 17, 2000 after he yelled at them for badgering him about where to buy illegal drugs.

    Mayor Rudolph Giuliani attacked the victim, claiming Dorismond was at fault and “no altar boy,” never once expressing regret for the loss of an innocent life. Interestingly enough, Patrick had attended the same Brooklyn Catholic school – Immaculate Heart of Mary – as the mayor, an irony Giuliani chose to ignore.

    As the funeral approached, tension was high between a community outraged by police abuse and a police department drunk with arrogance and racism.

    Would We Patrol Your Funerals?

    Thousands converged in Brooklyn two weekends after Patrick’s murder to stand with his family and express their repudiation of the latest police slaying. The somber funeral procession on Sat., Mar. 25, 2000 grew in size and anger as it slowly rolled up Flatbush Avenue, a central artery of the Haitian community. By the time the march reached Holy Cross Church where the funeral was held, an ocean of humanity filled Church Avenue. The police were clearly alarmed at the size of the crowd. The air was heavy with grief and anger. Young and old alike looked into the police officers’ faces as if to say: “Why are you even here? This is not your family’s affair. Go back to where you came from, and let us grieve. Would we patrol your funerals?”

    It was clear that Flatbush was on the brink of combustion. The spark that ignited the crowd came in the form of yet another police miscalculation. Dorismond’s body was taken out of the church’s back door and loaded into a hearse, which started toward the cemetery for burial. The crowd of thousands wanted to quietly and respectfully follow the casket, but the police stopped them. A melee ensued as the furious crowd demanded to accompany Patrick to his final resting place. One, two, or three confrontations soon mushroomed into hundreds. Rocks and bottles flew. The police lost control of the situation, and found themselves surrounded by and drowning in a sea of fury. White-shirted police captains barked into their walkie talkies, chaos enveloping them.

    Two armies engaged each other on a battlefield called Church Avenue.

    The terrain had shifted under the feet of the invaders. The indigenous army grew emboldened. The ranks of the enraged swelled with fresh recruits, who streamed in from surrounding streets. Police reinforcements also arrived, chasing the mourners turned demonstrators, but they were in hostile territory. Every doorway was an entrance to a hallway that became an escape tunnel. When the cops tried to close in on prey, a door magically opened, snatching the children from their would-be wardens.

    Two armies engaged each other on a battlefield called Church Avenue. One was motivated to collect their paychecks and appease their superiors. The other sought to undo and transform years of humiliation into a united fightback. A 15-year-old boy – born in Port-au-Prince but reared in Brooklyn – would later claim that Haitians were born with rocks in their back pockets precisely for these moments of self-defense.

    Next, the police cavalry was deployed. In unison, the multitude burst into a chant: “Get those animals off those horses!”

    A young man-child ran straight at the approaching enemy lines, did an about face, dropped his drawers, and mooned the cops to the applause and cheers of the mighty crowd. The move struck a chord with the generation of youth warriors. As if rehearsed, the cadre of teenagers saluted their oncoming foes with this perfectly-timed gesture of contempt, signalling a fresh rain of glass, steel, and stone on the police. The horses were turned back. Some mounted cops fell, reduced to a state of atomized desperation.

    This was the closest some would ever get to emancipation. Powerlessness dislodged power. Regardless of the aftermath, for that brief moment, oppressed people controlled the situation, their environment, their humanity. Every demonstrator’s smile posed the question: How does it feel, boys, to try to wade into the mighty current of the people’s wrath? Those accustomed to swaggering with full confidence now retreated in full sprints, thinking of their own families and loved ones. Were there human feelings beneath those uniforms and badges?

    An NBC news crew wanted to be the first major television network to break the story.  The camera crew piled out of the news truck intent upon recording the situation and interviewing the balaclava-clad rebels. They immediately came under fire from a group of young generals who bombarded the news truck with bottles and rocks. Sprinting in high-heals and Dockers, the once-confident news-crew raced back to their van and then sped off with shattered windows and windshield. The masses burst into laughter waving “Bon voyage,” as if to say surely you can misreport from a safe distance, up in your helicopters and your air-conditioned newsrooms. It is not safe for you down here in the street where history unfolds.

    Time and again, youths threw bricks and bottles from alleys and rooftops. Time and again, phalanxes of police turned and ran. The underdog was winning.

    How many years of accumulated rage detonated that day? The ancestors of the Haitians outside Holy Cross Church that day had risen up against slavery and colonialism and defeated Napoleon’s legions, the mightiest army in that time. Now their Haitian descendants, the daughters and sons of Dessalines, Capois La Mort, and Toussaint L’Ouverture, showed us how to stand up to those who think they are invincible. They showed all of Brooklyn and the oppressed around the world that we all have a Haiti within, searching for redemption.

    Resistance to Injustice is Justified

    The masses bid farewell to Patrick Dorismond with valiant resistance, assuring that he had not died in vain and promising Guilianni to rache manyòk li – uproot him from office. Dorismond’s murder – coming on the heals of the August 1997 torture of Abner Louima and the February 1999 murder of Amadou Diallo – and the police force’s heavy-hand at his funeral were two drops which made the cup of people’s anger overflow. The police had a taste of the fear of violence their victims live with day in and day out.

    Demonstrators clashed with police after they were prevented from accompanying Patrick Dorismond’s casket to the cemetery. Photo:
    Paul Fusco/Magnum Photos

    “Our best organizers in the South,” the reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. once said, “are the police themselves.” Giuliani’s NYPD proved this once again in March 2000.

    Some might tell us not to glorify violent resistance and to limit ourselves to hand-wringing when faced with police abuse and aggression, so often lethal. But nothing has ever stopped oppressors in their tracks like organized self-defense, which is sometimes spontaneous. We should not rule out non-violence and civil disobedience. All are viable and valid tactics in the pursuit of freedom.

    In the words of Guyanese freedom-fighter Walter Rodney: “the revolution will be as peaceful as possible and as violent as necessary.” Only the victimized and oppressed can determine which weapon is correct at each confrontation with their brutalizers. Those on the sidelines – comfortable with sermonizing – should stay right there as the people take center stage in standing up against injustice, just as they did 15 years ago.

    A Day in the Life of Fighting Dictatorship and Neocolonialism

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    Originally published on March 10, 2021 in Haiti Liberté

    The day begins the night before. The cadre of hope dodge sleep and the police. Under the cover of night and the ancestors, they spray-paint the walls of Port-au-Prince to encourage communities to unite and rise up: “Aba enperyalis, Aba Jovenel!” (Down with imperialism! Down with Jovenel.) “PHTK, Bann volè.” (The PHTK – Haitian Bald Headed Party – is a bunch of thieves.) “Kote kòb PetroCaribe?” (Where is the PetroCaribe money?)

    The young writers of the People, Poetry, Revolution collective go deeper, emblazoning the walls of alleyways and main boulevards with short poems. “Powèt, ekri chante k ap ede nou rete debou sou miray lavi sa k ap disparèt.” (Poets, write songs, which help us to stay standing up, on this wall of life which is disappearing.) That poem was spray-painted in black by its author Ricardo Boucher on an alleyway wall in the hilltop Port-au-Prince shantytown of Fort National.

    It is Sun., Feb. 28 or Sun., Mar. 7. Sundays are when the showdowns take place between David versus Goliath, the most forgotten versus the empire. There are national mobilizations against the emerging dictator Jovenel Moïse, whose constitutional mandate (if he ever had one) ended three weeks ago on Feb. 7.

    As the indefatigable sun rises over Port-au-Prince, families boil akasan (cornmeal) and chokola cho (hot chocolate) in massive pots. They dip their fresh bread into the delicious, scalding, sweet concoctions, focused on the long day ahead.

    “MOLEGHAF says down with imperialism, long live communism,” reads one sign at an anti-Moïse protest.

    This is a family affair. They gather in the alleyways (koridò) to make hundreds of signs. “Sison + La Lime = Corruption in Haiti” says one, referring to U.S. Ambassador Michele Sison and Helen La Lime, head of United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH). “Hands off Haiti’s Democracy,” says another. Haitians are polyglots. They know who the enemy is, and they speak directly to them. “U.S., UN and OAS: Hands Off Haiti” and “Haiti Can’t Breathe” say two others. The battle of ideas plays out in Port-au-Prince in many languages because Haitians know what many of us perhaps do not: this is an international and anti-imperialist struggle.

    This latest democratic struggle is now in its fourth decade. “AYITI PA POU VANN NI AN GWO NI AN DETAY” (Haiti is not for sale, either wholesale or retail) is a slogan often written and chanted since Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier fled Haiti on Feb. 7, 1986, the date marking the start of this historical chapter. It is a slogan again today.

    At 11 a.m., the protestors start to gather on the Champs de Mars, the capital’s main square. The mobilization’s leaders make their rounds, pumping up the people. The march takes form.

    They soak tires in gasoline, and, wufff , the lines are drawn, and the march is off.

    Young men take a shot of Barbancourt rum to stave off hunger. There is no fear or anxiety to stave off. No such luxuries. This is a people born into struggle.

    The rolling mass picks up momentum and members as they go. Suddenly 1,000 is 5,000. As they roll down Avenue John Brown (it’s telling that Haiti’s most important thoroughfare is named after the militant abolitionist), there are now tens of thousands. The crowd swells and blankets dozens of city blocks.

    Delmas is a crucial intersection. South spells trouble where paramilitary kidnapping gangs battle social movements for hegemony. North is the move.

    Will this be the day that chodyè chavire (the pot spills over) and the masses again overthrow a petty, second-rate, foreign-sponsored tyrant like they did in 1986?

    The police are more careful with mass marches. They are far outnumbered. The neocolonial boomerang can swing back around.

    At Delmas 32, the police make their move and attack the front of the march. Tear gas and plastic bullets send everyone sprinting for cover. Stampedes threaten to leave some behind but a helpful hand scoops them back up. Men anpil, chay pa lou. (Many hands lighten the load.)

    The rolling mass picks up momentum and members as they go.

    Who is covering the story? History is in motion. Where is the BBC? CNN? The New York Times?

    “This is not Hong Kong or Taiwan,” one marcher reminds us. “We are a neocolony,” chimes in another.

    The Haitian National Police do not discriminate. They pounce upon massive marches or smaller youth-led marches. Their job is to discourage, disrupt, disburse, and dismantle. Tear gas, bullets. The masses are in retreat. Depending on the angles and specific terrain, the bravest throw back the tear gas, rocks, and whatever other makeshift weapons the streets provide.

    This is when it gets dangerous. The policemen’s faces are covered and not because they fear COVID. They display no badge numbers nor license plates. They attack without fear, with impunity.

    The united march has now scattered in different directions. Contingents play cat-and-mouse with the police trying to outmaneuver them. Anti-imperialist organizations whisk away their top leadership. It is too easy for them to be kidnapped or assassinated. The cadre of hope must live to fight another day.

    At 4:30 p.m., a young 25-year-old community leader, Jean Réné “Chata” Laporte, is shot with a bullet. His comrades encircle him and evacuate him to safety. They rush him to the hospital but are careful lest the police take a second shot at him.

    The popular organizations reassemble in their neighborhoods. Here they are safe. The police and kidnappers do not run these alleyways. The popular educators check in on one another. Who is injured? Who is caring for Chata? At 7 p.m., they debrief. They debate. They plan. They yell. The passion of centuries of resistance fills the humid air. “Who was responsible for the security breach?” asks someone. “We can’t afford any more dead.”

    The struggle against dictatorship and neocolonialism continues…

    Dominican Government Rounds Up Pregnant Haitian Women and Deports Them

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    Originally published on November 17, 2021 in Haiti Liberté

    On Nov. 11, Dominican police entered into the medical clinics of the sprawling barrio Los Minas, searching for Haitian women who were pregnant or had recently given birth and were receiving medical attention. They rounded up these women, forced them into buses and deported them to Haiti.

    Popular organizations across the Dominican Republic and Haiti are denouncing the latest round of harassment and deportations carried out by the government of Luis Abinader and the Modern Revolutionary Party against the exiled Haitian community in DR. Police penetrating hospitals in search of immigrants is a gross violation of every human rights protocol.

    Unfortunately, the latest assault on Haitian dignity is nothing new. The Dominican state has a vested interest in scapegoating the vulnerable Haitian community and playing the blame game. This divide-and-conquer strategy deflects popular ire away from the true enemy of the Dominican people, their own ruling class, which pillages the country’s resources in tandem with foreign corporations. The targeting of Haitians in DR is no different than right-wing xenophobic attacks on Mexicans, immigrants, and Muslims in the U.S..

    No Haitian leaves their beautiful, beloved but battered homeland voluntarily. Contrary to the lies and propaganda the mainstream constantly feeds us, Haiti is not poor and does not need our pity. Haiti is an exploited neo-colony of the United States fighting for its definitive liberation. There are many factors that have pushed hundreds of thousands of Haitians to flee to the Dominican Republic. There is a fuel crisis, a recent spate of kidnappings, a capital awash with arms, and repression of a mass anti-imperialist movement. Instead of expressing any solidarity with these struggles, the Dominican military high command sent 11,000 more troops to the border to buttress the Trumpian wall of hatred they are building to further divide the two nations.

    Despite all of these challenges, the revolutionary Haitian masses continue to organize and push forward in search of a second Haitian Revolution. Two centuries after the 1804 revolution inspired the enslaved and oppressed of the world, Haitians again yell: “Koupe tèt, Boule kay (Off with the masters’ heads, Burn their mansions), in search of equality and justice in their homeland.

    Rise Up confronts Duterte’s war on the poor in the Philippines

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    “My son Djastin Lopez didn’t deserve to die. He was twenty-five with two beautiful children, Jailo & Quiana. He was a basketball player and a craftsman. When the police ambushed him right over there by those train tracks, his hands were up. He surrendered but the police slapped him first before riddling his body with bullets. While he was still breathing, they fired the coup de grace. These alleyways where we live in Tondo are ground zero of the war on us poor Filipinos. The police ambushed my son, intent upon killing him. We were victims but today thanks to Rise Up we are advocates for life and organizers against Duterte’s extrajudicial killings (EJK’s).”

    –Normita, member of Rise Up

    Originally published on January 16, 2018 in Liberation News

    Rise up for Life and for Rights is a coalition of families whose children or loved ones were ambushed and murdered by Rodrigo Duterte’s police because they were suspected of being low-level drug dealers or addicts. Normita is one mother who emerged as a leader of Rise Up in Tondo, Manila’s largest shantytown of over 700,000 people, after her son was executed by the police. She explained that the coalition focuses on making the relatives of the victims see the reality of life in the country, helping them with their livelihood and trying to bring cases against the police to the courts.

    As Duterte’s ever-more cavalier statements about killing off the poor make world news and an average of ten bodies turn up dead every night in Manila with cardboard labels claiming they were “criminals,” there is a lesser known story, the story of Rise Up, the burgeoning community resistance to Duterte’s death squads and vigilante violence.

    Understanding Duterte’s rise to national power

    Rodrigo Duterte emerged as a prominent national figure in Filipino politics after serving 22 years as the mayor of Davao City in the southern island of Mindinao. Much like former New York City mayor Rodolph Giuliani and a whole slew of conservative politicians across the spectrum of global politics, Duterte built up his reputation as a politician who was “tough on crime.” In his seven-term tenure as mayor, Duterte oversaw a campaign to eradicate suspected criminal elements from the streets of Davao City. Under his reign, human rights organizations documented over 1,400 extrajudicial killings (EJK’s) of alleged addicts, dealers and street children, many by the infamous paramilitary police unit known as the Davao Death Squad. Duterte himself brags about having personally murdered three kidnapping suspects at a police checkpoint. All too often, these “suspects” were simply everyday workers from “high violence” areas, in the wrong place at the wrong time.

    For anybody from East New York, the Bronx, West Oakland or any of the U.S.’s oppressed communities, this police terror sounds all too familiar.

    Powerful sections of the Filipino ruling class, including the military, used “Duterte Harry’s” reputation to win the 2016 presidential race. On May 9, 2016 Duterte won 39.01 percent of the votes, defeating EDSA-establishment candidates Mar Roxas of the Liberal Party (23.4 percent) and Senator Grace Poe of the Nationalist People’s Coalition (21.6 percent).

    Operation Tokhang

    Upon assuming power, Duterte implemented Operation Tokhang, the official name for the state execution campaign targeting the most marginalized.

    Tokhang is a portmanteau formed from two words in Cebuano, Duterte’s native language. Tuktok is an onomatopoeia for knocking and hangyo means request, in reference to the police’s aggressive raids of the homes of the poor. In coordination with the military, local police precincts compile lists of suspicious men in the barangays (neighborhoods). Often, they rely on coercion, bribing the police and snitching to develop “black lists.” The police then raid the homes of the suspects, following a policy of shoot first, rarely asking any questions.

    This was how Rise Up member Princess lost her father, Pablo.

    “The police murdered my father Pablo Cabangon. He was 46. They executed him right where I sit with three shots to the head. My mom died giving birth ten years ago. My father never recovered. Melancholic & depressed, he reached for a common escape, shabu (crystal meth). That was his death sentence. The police raided at midnight & executed him. This portrait you see in my hand, my father, this is Duterte’s “war on drugs.”

    Like alcohol, shabu is a common drug in disenfranchised communities that workers use for an extra pick-me-up or to deal with rough times. It is highly addictive and has been called “the cocaine of the Filipino poor.” Rise Up puts a human face on the victims and addicts vilified by the mainstream media. Rise up sees addiction as an illness directly connected to poverty, unemployment and the inability of capitalism to resolve the issues of the vast majority of humanity. The per capita GDP in the Philipines is a paltry $3,500 and roughly a quarter of all households survive on less than $5 dollars per day. These are the families Duterte’s EJK’s target.

    Tricycle taxi driver King said shabu helped him work double shifts to put food on the table for his family. A recovering addict, he thanked Rise Up for rehabilitation programs that saved his life. Like the Black Panthers and Young Lords two generations before, the rank-and-file of Rise Up see organizing as a key part of individual rehabilitation and community healing.

    16,000 murdered and counting

    With the backing of powerful sections of the ruling elite and flattered by Trump’s praises during his visit in November, Duterte scoffs at the official number of 16,000 EJK’s to date and boasts that he is just getting started. He has been quoted as saying that 100,000 more dead bodies will be dumped into Manila Bay and that if Hitler can kill millions of Jews, he can kill millions of “criminals” in the Philippines.

    Like Trump, Duterte preys upon the most vulnerable sectors of society. Seeking to score points with voters and his powerful backers, he scapegoats, bullies and slaughters who he perceives to be “the perfect victim,” because he thinks the most vulnerable cannot fight back.

    But like the immigrant rights movement, Muslim and woman’s organizations in the U.S., Rise UP is proving that a united resistance can confront and defeat state-sponsored divide-and-conquer schemes and state terrorism.

    The Filipino state’s highly touted “war on drugs” is nothing more than a war on the poor. It is all too similar to “the war on drugs” Black America and poor communities across the U.S. have endured. Rise Up member Isabelita described the police’s two-pronged approach:

    “If the suspect is rich, they’re set free. If they’re poor, they end up sprawled on the street.”

    Duterte’s campaign comes as his son Paulo was recently linked to the P$6.4 billion pesos (U.S.$128 million) shipment of shabu that was smuggled into the country from China. The fact that there was never any investigation into his involvement in drug-dealing shows the hypocrisy of “the war on drugs.” Instead of pursuing any leads on Paulo Duterte, state prosecutors instead targeted the two senators who acted as whistleblowers, accusing them of “tax fraud.”

    Irma, whose son Bong Bong was executed by the police one year ago, emphasized the hypocritical nature of the government’s “war.”

    “We are from Bagong Silangan in Quezon City. Our community is the epicenter of Duterte’s war. Just in our neighborhood alone, we have lost 45 of our children to this war. The police raided a wake right across this alleyway and shot my son dead in a case of mistaken identity. They would never do this in Forbes Park or Dasmariñas [the wealthy neighborhoods of Manila].”

    ‘Mourn the dead, fight like hell for the living.’

    Socialist labor organizer Mother Jones’ quote captures the spirit of Rise Up. The most affected families have come together, not only to mourn but to fight. Reality demands no less.

    Rise Up’s efforts are similar to the People’s Vigils which seek to unite families around a deeper understanding of the massive “opioid epidemic” afflicting working families in the U.S. The 66,000 overdose deaths last year in the U.S. and the 16,000 EJK’s thus far under Duterte’s reign have a common source, an unequal, predatory class system. Moving forward, there are a lot the two organizations can learn from one another and collaborate on.

    The National Union of People’s Lawyers (NUPL) is the legal front of the movement which seeks to prosecute the police officers and hired vigilantes who fired the lethal bullets. Attorney Kathy Panguban is one NUPL lawyer who has brought fourth cases on behalf of the grieving families to make sure there is an end to state impunity. Panguban documented a long history of state sponsored terrorism where the courts have always ruled in favor of the executioners.

    Progressive churches are at the center of the organizing efforts. Following a tradition of Filipino Liberation Theology, religious people have been instrumental in providing psycho-social, logistical and legal support for the Rise Up families. Quoting the Bible, Norma Dollaga articulated what motivated her as a Christian to join the struggle:

    “Learn to do right; seek justice. Defend the oppressed. Take up the cause of the fatherless; plead the case of the widow” (Isaiah 1:17).

    The BAYAN alliance (short for Bagong Alyansang Makabayan or the New Patriotic Alliance) which brings together different workers, women, migrant, barangay (neighborhood) and peasant organizations to struggle against the imperialist pillaging of the Philippines is clear that addiction, hustling and the EJK’s are but three tragic manifestations of capitalism, a system diametrically opposed to the interests of the vast majority of this super resource-rich country of over 100 million people. The BAYAN alliance is equally confident that through unity and struggle the Filipino people can overcome imperialism and its local lackeys in order to construct a new society based not on profits and pilfering but the diverse needs of the population.

    DESPISED: The Poor white Trash Manifesto 

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    The author, second from the right on the couch, with his cousins in 1987 in Brockton, Massachusetts. (The class reality I describe does not necessarily reflect the experiences of the family members displayed here. I speak for myself. I have an extensive family and respect all of their right to privacy. They can tell their own stories about it all.)

    (originally published as a 6-part series at Popular Resistance in the winter of 2025)

    Much has been written about the poor white 
    but on rare occasion 
    has he been able to speak for himself…
    This is for him
    and her.
    Unleashed here is the anguish within
    Buried under 1,492 survivals and sins…

    This is dedicated to Zoe, Cathy, Dan, Kim and everyone
    who ever treated me like they were better than me.
    Your disgust spoke to my class instincts and got the ball rolling on this sociological and historical essay.

    Dedicated to the true street prophets: 
    If my trauma were but an inch deeper or a centimeter to the right, 
    like the bullet that nearly assassinated the 
    Demagogue-in-Chief Trump and threatened a second Civil War, 
    I may not be here. 
    All the trauma deposited within me
    is unleashed here. 

    Dedicated to my mom, Karen Sypher Mahoney:
    who has more heart than the entire liberal class. 

    I write this inspired by the street soldiers who never made it out. 
    Away at college, writing a poem or visiting another country, 
    I carry my family, the deceased and the survivors with me. 
    Their words, instincts and early deaths molded me into who I am.
    They whispered them to me 
    before lighting their last Newport, 
    placing their last bet at Foxwoods Casino and 
    swigging their last sip of Wild Turkey…
    And to all the left liberals who think they are better than me and my family:
    Fuck your internet cancel culture 
    You’ll never bury the people’s soldiers!

    Part I. The Liberal white Versus the Poor white

    There is a material reality behind the human schism and mutual hatred that exists between the privileged white and the downtrodden white. It dates back centuries and hemispheres. Whoever is not a billionaire and groups us together, erasing our class differences, does so at their own peril, and our peril as well. As the granmoun (elders) say in Haiti, the rocks caressed by the steam do not feel the pain of the rocks under the sun.

    To group all whites together is the priority of the ruling class. We poor whites have different resentments, spiritualities and worldviews from those of our class oppressors. We don’t always know how to express it in the most eloquent terms but we express our contempt for the rich and the corrupt everyday in the proverb: “the rich get richer, the poor get poorer.” 

    Liberal left identity politics conflate us with the foreign reality of another social class. Whose agenda does this serve? 

    Beyond similar skin tones and hair textures, what do we share in common with our bosses’ bosses? 

    Lumping all “white people” together discards and cancels millions of down-and-out, disgruntled poor whites who have the potential to be a revolutionary force. W.E.B. Du Bois, the father of American Marxism, explored these class dynamics throughout American history in Black Reconstruction in America 1860-1880. Before us we have arguably the greatest challenge imaginable, of 248 years in motion: to move the unmovable and unleash the long-buried class impulses of the other America. So much of what we have experienced and endured applies to the entire multiracial working class, especially poor Blacks and Latinos. The very future of humanity and the planet depends on our discovering ourselves, alongside all of our class brothers and sisters. This was what Dr. Ernesto Che Guevara had in mind when he said: “I envy you. You North Americans are very lucky. You are fighting the most important fight of all — you live in the heart of the beast.”  

    Here before us in the 2025 United States of Hypocrisy, as Trump and his billionaire buddies replace one set of corrupt, nepotistic cronies with another, are two different peoples who understand little about each other and stand diametrically opposed to one another’s interests. 

    A Sociological Snapshot of a Forgotten Historical Protagonist

    From the abandoned coal mines along the Cheat River in Preston County, West Virginia to the crystal-meth-fueled insomnia that plagues the streets of Fresno, California, poor white life has infinite expressions. In my 46 years, I have experienced too many to remember, many in my own flesh. Like Gabriel Garcia Marquez, “I confess I have lived,” and survived. Everyone who ever abused me and supported me, bullied me and uplifted me is present in these 15,000 words of the perfect hate and the perfect love.

    We poor white trash are a polytheistic people. We worship the gods of gambling, whiskey and escapism. We pray to the lords of an alien class’s creation. Denied worldly deliverance, we pray for an afterlife to whisk us away from all we’ve known: harm and self-harm. Unlike Christ, the man and martyr, we all too often burn our crosses on the wrong lawns. We may not have read Dr. John Henrik Clarke but he was speaking to us too when he said: “When you accept a picture of the deity assigned to you by another people, you become the spiritual prisoners of that other people.”

    Passages or clips from “Hillbilly Elegy,” vice-presidential scapegoater and millennial “hip” conservative J.D. Vance’s novel-turned-Netflix movie about his childhood, shows some of what we know all too well: the poverty and trauma too many in Trump country have lived through. We account for nearly 50 percent of Americans who receive food stamps from the government. Roughly 3 in 5 addicts in America wear our skin and our trauma. Hundreds of thousands of us overdose every year, but this elicits little public attention nor social change.

    But through all that, damn it, we are loyal. Line up one destitute white boy from Alabama or Massachusetts in front of 10,000 preppy Ivy-league pricks and so who has stamina, survival skills and longevity. 

    No one can teach Heart; Heart is absorbed through survival. 

    We are loyal.

    What you tell us is between you, me and the lamp post. In jail the only scum lower that the child molesters are the snitches and police. 

    We are more than loyal. We are what Michael Parenti called “the superpatriots.” If anyone questions our government’s inequality or murderous foreign policy, we shout them down. We long for more McCarthyism. We hate leftists, socialists and communists. We root for the home team, even when the home team could care less about us. When Colin Kaepernick took a knee to protest police murders of unarmed black people, we screamed: “Get up you ungrateful, lazy bum.” What we meant to say was: Colin: you earn millions of dollars to play a game we love. We earn thousands of dollars to swing a hammer or push a lawnmower that we hate. We critique the “spoiled” millionaire athletes whom sportswriter William C. Rhoden calls the “40 million dollar slaves.” All the while, we ignore the billionaire owners who cash in on trading and squeezing “their” players, destroying their bodies and leaving them brain-damaged with CTE to boost their profit margins. 

    We are a stubborn species that is never wrong. In response to any attacks on what we hold most sacred, we scream “America is number 1!,” insist “Right or Wrong My Country” and threaten “Love it or leave it.” We are better at defending our class oppressors than defending ourselves. Politicians who send us overseas to get PTSD claim that they back us up with bombs of democracy and missiles of equality. But the 8,000,000,000 people of the world beg to differ; they have never seen a U.S. war they benefited from. The poor white fights the wars for the rich alongside the rest of the mosaic of cannon fodder. We are 68.8 percent of your Armed Forces. 100 percent of us are fucked; 0 percent of us are rich. From 1962 to 1975, nearly 60,000 of us and our brothers were sacrificed to subdue the untamable Vietnamese. Hundreds of thousands more returned to the streets and backwoods of America maimed and traumatized. 500,000 of us mutinied against the U.S. military in the napalmed, scorched earth of Vietnam. We are the infamous fraggers. We “fragged,” that is we attacked our superior officers with fragmented grenades. To ignore all of this is to play an unwinnable game of Russian roulette called National Nihilism. 

    A Foreign Country

    We have been so busy surviving we never had the opportunity to live. We work 50 hours a week at dead-end jobs both at 16 and 60, because college and retirement is not economically feasible. Every day, artificial intelligence and automation take away even our humiliating jobs at CVS and Subway. We hate “the line cutters” but fail to identify who grows rich by putting us in competition with immigrant workers and robots. 

    Things are not going well for us. So, we do what all alienated people do best. We double down on our frustrations and hatreds, and strike out against our own. 

    The New York Times Magazine’s Eric Levitz captures the class divide, writing: “people who experience material security in youth tend to develop distinctive values and preferences from those who do not; if childhood teaches you to take your basic material needs for granted, you’re more likely to develop culturally-progressive values and post-material policy priorities.” Levitz is talking about us and our class brethren from Black, Native, Puerto Rican, Chicano etc. backgrounds. There are oft-cited, recurring studies about the reading gap that exists between the rich and poor and the impact this creates over time. 

    Arlie Russell Hochschild’s Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right takes us deeper into the other white America. As she attempts to give a voice to the voiceless, Hochschild learns about the moral fortitude and endurance of everyday Americans. In Lake Charles, once a Tea Party and now a MAGA stronghold, the community had been devastated by toxic oil and chemical dumping. Conditioned by Fox News and other conservative media outlets, the Louisianans expressed deep distrust of any government agencies. They viewed it as a badge of honor not to receive one red cent of government aid which they see as reserved for Reagan’s “black welfare queens.” None of the families interviewed ever expressed critiques of the hundreds of billions of dollars squandered on U.S. wars and military spending overseas. After living with members of the anti-communist John Birch Society in Santa Ana, California and in the backwater bayous of Louisiana, Hochschild poignantly writes: “I felt I was in a foreign country again. Only this time it was my own.” 

    There is no substitute for family. I thank higher power everyday for all of the beautiful people who have been with me on this limitless, majestic, heart-breaking journey some call life. 

    Our Enemies

    There are 813 billionaires in this country. They preside over and hoard the wealth, resources and media of the United States. Another way of stating this is we have the largest economy in the history of the world, but of the $27.3 trillion dollars of the GDP we workers produce, the lion’s share is owned by the rich, leaving only crumbs for the 78% of us who struggle paycheck to paycheck. Bernie Sanders is the only national candidate who has dared to speak to this ever-deepening contrast between property and poverty. Those in power do everything to manipulate our economic despair and social anxiety so we hate everyone, except our actual class enemies. We are then pitted against and at war with ourselves and our own best interests. This harkens back to the times of slavery. W.E.B. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction dedicates a great deal of attention to this “peculiar” condition whereby our poor white ancestors betrayed the freedmen by forming a cross-class alliance with the former slaveholders. Choosing this “psychological wage of whiteness” over class solidarity and our own material interests, we became the agents of class division and the storm troopers of bourgeois domination, laying the groundwork for the next eight decades of Jim Crow apartheid and poverty. 

    We’ve been so manipulated we abandon even looking at who is deciding who gets paid what, and this perceived “competition” clouds our ability to distinguish between allies and foes. 

    Forbes and Bloomberg estimate that Trump is worth between $6.9 and $7.7 billion. Warren Buffet is worth $150 billion dollars. My mother’s average yearly income was $18,000. Given this inequality, my mother would have to work 12 and a half million years to attain this level of wealth. Does anyone buy that any billionaire really worked 12 and a half million times harder than my mother? My father was a stonemason who downed coffee and inhaled Newports to keep food on the table. Complaining was alien to him. 

    The Federal Poverty Level today for a family of four is $31,200. What could we poor whites possibly have in common with our overseers and overlords? To borrow the African-American mantra, “all skinfolk ain’t kinfolk.” The superstructure of capitalism exists to convince us that our exploiters represent us and our class interests. Nothing could be further from the truth. Most senators are millionaires. Kamala Harris is worth $8 million dollars. While our grandparents may look like Mitch McConnell and Nancy Pelosi, these hoity-toities could never understand our material reality. They are not welcome where we come from. And we are not welcome where they come from. 

    Corporate elites and mass media convinced white Americans that being poor was a “black thing,” yet more than twenty two million of us live in poverty. One in three of us has zero net worth or owes more than we have. 41.6 percent of all poor people in this country look like us. 44.6 percent of Americans who need food stamps to get by are white like us. 

    To discard us is to give up on revolution in this country. 

    When Trump’s anti-Palestinian, anti-immigrant, anti-gay, anti-human policies fail to produce jobs and breathing room for “Trump country,” Poor whites with Guns will be searching for answers. Only so many of us can be employed as your Correction Officers and police; millions more have fallen by the American wayside, into addiction and deeper rungs of alienation. Every day we are more deeply submerged into the American nightmare. 

    Yet here we are, airing out society’s racist, anti-immigrant and hateful dirty laundry for the world to see. We remain tenser than ever, at each other’s throats, always ready to pop off. Racism is used as a trojan horse to dismantle the social welfare state which is the only way we and all working people can survive. Racism, sexism and homophobia exist to drive a wedge between us and other workers. This is called false consciousness, a pandemic among us poor whites. We are always ready to carry out our executions in a circle.

    Survival until revolution…

    To all my anonymous surrogate mothers and fathers, To all my mentors who I sought out with ferocity and listened to: Thank you! In some way, shape and form, We made it!

    Part II. The Wretched of the Earth for Applachians 

    Perched up in their Ivy League offices and downtown skyscrapers, the tenured professors and well-paid journalists have written a great deal about us. When have we got a day off from work and our survival routines to analyze their foreign attitudes and habits? Today, we get to have our say. It is our lived experience in the trenches versus your pontificating. You are not us and we are not you. Do you really think you would last a round with us in the real world? The petit bourgeois white has found their place at the capitalist trough; the poor white, desperate for breathing room, searches for an opening. 

    Turning the Ethnographic Lens around on the Liberals

    Richard Reeves of the centrist thinktank the Brookings Institute calls the well-to-do the Dream Hoarders. He critiques how liberals bemoan the privileges that exist for white Americans or men but they are often the very ones who benefit from these privileges and have doors open up for them that are closed to those further below on the social totem pole. How many times have colleagues and their families who hail from a different social rank lectured me on how not to be underpaid and underemployed? They doubted what America looked like from below, to those of us who don’t have social capital. In the icebreaker “the privilege shuffle,” we were always in the back. In the Oppression Olympics, we competed for gold in every category: abuse, low self-esteem and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. 

    But we must insist that we are not a grim lot. Dealt a tough deck of cards, and having a few cards missing from our deck, we make due, fight for our families and have a hell of a time doing it. Self-pity is alien to us. Our greatest pride is our independence. 

    Families who have high incomes can get into Princeton and Dartmouth. Their parents can afford the necessary training, networking and tuition, leaving little room for students who come from poverty and need scholarships. Liberals say that it is absurd that we are unstable and insecure because they live in a fantasy world. They convince themselves that their self-righteousness will somehow create opportunities for us where none ever existed. How can you open a door to a dream neglected? 

    The liberal “progressive” march forward only exists in their heads. The idealists deal is subjectivism while we stare down objective, concrete reality. 

    New York Times columnist David Brooks wrote Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There. His book examines the lifestyle of liberals. He points out that because of their guilt about their wealth, “they clothe their affluence in moral, organic and environmental drapery.” The liberal father teaches his children to make healthy decisions when ordering dinner and dessert. The poor father shows his kids how to survive, sending his clever little accomplices to scoop up what is left on another family’s table after they stood up and exited the local IHOP. We have been put into detention, suspended and arrested for taking food we needed in school. We shoplift steaks and trade them on the block for another hit of survival. When we overdose, no priest or family member will speak at our wakes. 

    Liberals vacation in Europe with their kids, granting them access to a more expansive vocabulary and worldly knowledge. We take our moms to Applebee’s for their birthdays when we can afford it. The uppity complain, stressed beneath the burden of their privileges. We are so grateful because every day we are alive is on borrowed time and means so much to us. We never thought of getting a passport. Our vacations are to visit our grandmothers or our grandkids. The only foreign countries we ever visited were New York City and Los Angeles. 

    In the media, you speak for us. 89 percent of newspaper editors are white, but few come from where we do. You are our social workers, doctors, sociologists, criminologists and psychiatrists. You pretend to spirit away our problems with Trazadone, Xanax and Percocets. You case workers, guidance counselors and psychiatrists only delay and compound our anguish. You are mandated reporters who contribute to stripping us of a home in a society where we only ever knew homelessness. When your prescriptions are not enough, Jack Daniels and stronger remedies do the trick, extending our miseries until we awake. 

    Did it ever occur to you that with proper attention and resources we could speak for ourselves and heal ourselves? We are not the permanent underclass; it is your system that is permanently pathological. 

    The congenial, play-it-safe petty bourgeoisie lives in fear of being discovered. Their social media posts never broach the genocide in Gaza or other “controversial” topics because they seek to appease and pacify, lest they ruffle religious feathers. What do workers know of their fear and cowardice? For they are a class that has everything to lose: their sinecures, their second homes on Cape Cod and their vacations abroad. And there in your backyard or at your vacation home, the poor white is mixing the cement, taking a swig and chain smoking, trying to make a living. My father’s shadow lurks over the false prophets of stability and security, a reality altogether foreign to us. George Bernard Shaw, my father, worked every day of his life for six decades. The inheritance he left us was only his laughter, impatience and love. 


    The author, second from the right on the couch, with his cousins in 1987 in Brockton, Massachusetts. The class reality I describe does not necessarily reflect the experiences of the family members displayed here. I speak for myself. I have an extensive family and respect all of their right to privacy. They can tell their own stories about it all.

    Class Instincts

    The poor white knows the class reflexes of the petit bourgeoisie well. For he has always been on the other side of their arrogance and superiority complex.

    Class instincts and a worker’s mentality cannot be taught in any academic textbooks, not even in Marx. We carry an ideology of rage and combat, inherent within us, that develops over the course of our peoples’ history, and our daily lives. The poor white anticipates alien class instincts sniffing what is sincere or not. Knee-jerk class reflexes surge from the confines of the deep humiliation the poor whites have internalized. How many of us never looked a fellow human being in their eyes? For many of us, battered and war torn, that was our number one fight, to remember that we too were men and women who deserved to be respected as such. 

    Returning to history, we cannot feel alone in our condition. Francis Butler Simkins and Robert Henley Woody, biographers of the South, offer the following portrait of “the white worker” in South Carolina During Reconstruction:

    “These cabins . . . are dens of filth. The bed if there be a bed is a layer of something in the corner that defies scenting. If the bed is nasty, what of the floor? What of the whole enclosed space? What of the creatures themselves? Pough! Water in use as a purifier is unknown. Their faces are bedaubed with the muddy accumulation of weeks. They just give them a wipe when they see a stranger to take off the blackest dirt. … The poor wretches seem startled when you address them, and answer your questions cowering like culprits.”

    This devastating image provokes an immediate solidarity with any human creature reduced to such degradation. From the holocaust in Gaza, to 1848 colonized Ireland to 1860 South Carolina, to an ADX Florence federal prison cell in 2025, great attempts have been to separate us from humanity, but we insist on being of it. The poor white is the universal poet Ho Chi Minh’s “dragon threatening to break out of the prison door.” 

    The Street Soldiers: They know who they are. I wouldn’t be here without them. These words are theirs as much as they are mine. 

    Conformity vs Rebellion

    The liberal engages in coordinated civil disobedience in solidarity with endangered oceans and nearly extinct leopards. The poor white goes toe to toe with the police in the here and now, ready to sacrifice it all over one perceived insult. But rarely does he enter battle over an undeniable act of police violence against black and brown people. Humiliation lodged deep in his bones, his rage is his conscience, but it is inconsistent and color-coded. 

    Many more of us become the police officers, marines and corrections officers than principled fighters for equality. Alienated from our own happiness, histories and heroes, we are the bricks in the wall of the Prison-Industrial Complex. In the South, we “constituted the police patrol who could ride with planters and now and then exercise unlimited force upon recalcitrant or runaway slaves (Du Bois p. 27). Our “psychological wage of whiteness” is enough to keep us slightly elevated and employed as the custodians of all the people who get an even slimmer slice of the American pie than we. Whites from more stable backgrounds are constitutionally inclined to see policing as a stable profession. Others of us see them as oppressive agents of the state and enemies of our neighborhoods. We are ignorant to the fact that the U.S. State has a relationship with black people much different historically from what it has with poor white people. This has significant implications in terms of theory and practice and is a central contradiction afflicting our class.

    Du Bois’s own evolution as a thinker and fighter speaks to the complexity of the poor white in American history and his destiny today.  

    It’s no coincidence the second chapter of Black Reconstruction in America is entitled “The white Worker.” Du Bois’ writing is a good foundation for the analysis we have to further develop and refine. For much of his life, Du Bois was a liberal and an integrationist. He initially believed in the “Talented Tenth” Thesis and saw the black liberation struggle as being one of integration into capitalist America as full and equal citizens led by the upper echelons of black America. Later he became a Marxist who promoted the idea that black and white workers could and would unite in a common struggle against capitalism and for socialism. Before his death, he became very disillusioned with the prospects for the white-black worker alliance due in part to the reactionary nature of the white working class. Ultimately, the renowned sociologist renounced his U.S. citizenship and moved to Ghana where he died a Marxist Pan-Africanist. DuBois bequeathed this challenge of uniting the proletariat to us if we ever dream of building a world beyond the ever greater class polarization afflicting us. 

    The Myth of “white America”

    “White America” never was and never will be. It is a myth of the ruling class minority. 

    Of little use is relative white privilege, when you have PTSD and a heroin needle salivating and searching for your eighth vein. All sociological treatment of white America like any nation — real or invented — must be subjected to the most rigorous class breakdown. This is anathema to the liberal favorites like Robin DiAngelo, Ibram X. Kendi and Adrienne Maree Brown, race whisperers for the white middle class. 

    However, the historical invention of “white people” had all too real consequences for Black people, Chicanos, Native Americans, and all those racialized as “others.” As low as our social indicators are, there are those pushed further down on the social totem pole. As the writings of Lenin and Stalin prove, it is a historical fact beyond dispute that the United States was explicitly founded as a white nation, with “white” being the signifier for first Anglo-Saxon, then Western European more broadly. Only when masses of white people turn on this relative privilege and the whole damn system do we all have a chance to defeat our common enemies. 

    W.E.B. Du Bois cites one of his early mentors at Harvard, and one of the first professional historians Albert Bushnell Hart, who captures the following ethnographic snapshot of our ancestors: 

    “Most of them are illiterate and more than correspondingly ignorant. Some of them had Indian ancestors and a few bear evidences of Negro blood. The so-called ‘mountain boomer,’ says an observer, ‘has little self-respect and no self-reliance …. So long as his corn pile lasts the “cracker” lives in contentment, feasting on a sort of hoe cake made of grated corn meal mixed with salt and water and baked before the hot coals, with addition of what game the forest furnishes him when he can get up the energy to go out and shoot or trap it …. The irregularities of their moral lives cause them no sense of shame …. But, notwithstanding these low moral conceptions, they are of an intense religious excitability.”

    We regret to inform you, in the two centuries since the Civil War, our moral lives continue to be most “irregular.” We are the momentary front pages of the New York Times. We give you your “breaking” stories on CNN. We are rarely worth more than a 24-hour news cycle. We are the social segment that produces the bulk of school shootings and hate crimes. We succumb to addictions and early deaths from economic and social despair. Our limelight in the capitalist press 999 out of 1000 times stems from our alienation, yet no one dares to say it. We are worth more ignorant and dependent. The moment we wake up to the reality of Bamboozlement, we will shake and explode the foundations of the system.  

    We are pregnant with shame and apologies when we are around the “superior” class with “woke” vocabulary and pedantic ideas. We know embarrassment intimately. It has been deposited in our lifeblood for centuries by the kings and lords. Today, their billionaire heirs preside over our dignity. We are the Eternal Over-compensators and Over-sharers, trying to make up for our battered self-esteems. We are the Trauma Bonders who bombard you with too much information. Our boundaries were shattered the first time we were abused in diapers. 

    On other occasions, we don’t utter a word, because we feel we are not good enough. We wear corduroys of self-doubt and overalls of self-loathing. Our self-suicides have no trace of self-pity. For even in our early deaths, there is a great pride that presides over our condition. The dignity of the down-and-out emits a certain working-class chauvinism towards those who never had to survive what we have. We have an ax to grind. We are well balanced. We have a chip on both shoulders. 

    We inhabit an entire world the liberals can never understand. We, the army of the indebted, bankrupt and unemployed. They have already taken so much from us. What do we have to defend? Our battered self-esteems? The most limited of property? When we break out from under their liberal tutelage and MAGA hegemony, our revolt will be the Third American Revolution. 

    Fear, Fearlessness & The Great Divide

    It is the material reality of food insecurity, the projects and the overdoses which mold our personalities and dictate our actions. The foppish and the fastidious cannot roll with the hardened and the hustlers. We do not speak the same language nor do we seek to. All of your high-falutin smugness creates the distance only revolt can shrink. We feel the urgency. We inject, swallow and cut to outrun ourselves in a race we can never win… 

    Liberals hold their tongue afraid to offend anyone. Our very being is repellant so why would we hold back? 

    How many liberals think we “talk black” or “talk like a Puerto Rican.” They forgot poor whites also grew up in similar class terrain? Liberals “wannabe;” We are. The race-blind bullets, needles and alcoholic fathers breed a different set of knee-jerk class reactions to life. Hollywood and commercial Hip-Hop over-glorify a reality we would not wish on our worst enemies. As has been said by the street philosophers who breathe life into these words: Being Broke is No Joke!

    The liberal is hobbled by fear, for his horizons are seemingly endless. Fear is foreign to us. We’ll do what we have to, just to get by. For the liberal, the revolution provokes feelings of instability; for us, the revolution is the only hope to quell our hunger. 

    The liberal has everything to lose. What does the poor white have to lose but his self-hatred, class chains and humiliation?

    What then can the liberal feel in the presence of the poor white, his arch-nemesis, but envy? The envy of seeing him let go of that which is rotten and decaying. The liberal cannot bring himself to admit the raw truth, and speak up like a woman and post like a man against the genocide in Gaza. Such actions would dictate that they too would have to rise up and confront history. The liberal is comfortable and quite willing to turn his back on humanity. He is a lamenter, but not an actor. The spineless cannot even confront themselves, much less the holocausts they hide and justify. 

    The petty bourgeoisies’ moral compass always leads to the same place, opportunism and careerism. 

    Liberals despise us because we have broken free. We are the herd of stallions, emerging from the dust and ashes, hardened by deficit and foreclosure. What do we have left? What did we ever have? We threaten to trample over our enemies, but society’s blinders hold us back. We had better identify our enemy clearly or all of America will remain in the crosshairs of our half a billion guns… 

    This system was never ours. But it did afford us strategic crumbs to convince us we had a significant material stake in it. From day one in colonial America, many poor European settlers fled here as religious, political and economic refugees and accumulated as much free land as they could conquer and defend. While they might not have run the system, they willingly and even enthusiastically made the system run. This continued the span of American history. The Homestead Act of 1862 exclusively afforded white farmers the ability to own land. The GI Bill of 1944 allowed returning white GIs to purchase a home in suburbia, which was understood to be “white suburbia.” Law professor Wilfred Codrington III posits that “the nation’s oldest structural racial entitlement program is one of its most consequential: the Electoral College.” Like poll taxes and voter-ID laws, historically designed to disenfranchise non-white voters, the electoral college gives more weight to small state and suburban voters, who are usually whiter and more conservative voters. Even the least privileged among us were afforded relative privileges denied to our brethren in darker skin. 

    We never had to do anything to be “down” because we were born at the bottom. When you are born into Dante’s 9th rung of incest and self-mutilation, where else is there to go but up? 

    When you are born into a resilient family who always had your back, what else is there to feel but gratitude? We wake up every morning to Let Go, Let God and Let Good…

    Thanksgiving, Christmas and New Years Eve meant family, food and presents. The simple or eccentric gifts from aunts and uncles who had so little meant as much as the fancier gifts. We shoveled plates of the yummiest food into our tummies, playing with our new lego sets and action figures. Often, dad or mom had a new boyfriend or girlfriend they were dating. We did not always bother to learn their names because we knew it was a wasted investment. They would soon be gone with the wind. And often it was a toss-up, if the turkey would stay on the table. This is AA code for when things went wrong for us drunks and addicts on the most holy of days, often turned hell-days by our generational trauma. This is why every July 4th and every birthday, we are there in the front row of church and our 12-step meetings. We will not close the door on the past, but we will also not be a prisoner to it. United, we start and close every meeting:

    The poor white may not know history nor the bonds he shares intrinsically with people fighting around the world for dignity, but I have seen the Haiti and Palestine that blaze within many of us. If we can tap into solidarity and internationalism, we could help reshape history. 

    We have a different approach to the streets. The liberal looks tepidly over his shoulder, full of fear, fear of being consumed by the irascible flames of history. We strut and gallop forward trying to escape a history that lives within. 

    My mentor’s mentor John Black walked into a bar in rural Pennsylvania and said to a group of young comrades: “You see these stout men here? They can either turn their guns on us the communists or on the billionaires. It is our historical task to win them over so we can turn on our oppressors or we are all finished.” 30 years later, my mentor Dr. Andy McInerny told me this tale on Kingsbridge and Jerome in the Bronx. Today, I share it with my two sons. 

    This is me and 9-month old Chichi the day after a hard-fought contest against Shaine Stuart in Madison Square Garden. The two silver gloves I won have always meant the world to me! That silver and red ruby are cut from the finest and rarest Blood, Sweat and Tears. 

    Poor Skin, white Masks

    While we live in denial, there is no hiding our organic disdain for the rich.  

    Liberals inherit wealth; poor whites abhor wealth. 

    At the same time, like the servants who cannot sit at the main table, we covet wealth. The paradox consumes the sanity and the serenity we never knew. Fighting for the commoner is both foreign and native to us. 

    We hate privileges, not because we don’t need them but because they are out of our reach. 

    The liberal blows with the winds of self-interest; we are loyal to the only ones who ever had our backs.

    No one ever sought to represent us honestly in the media or in Hollywood. We were never allowed to cultivate our own voice. Only the voices from us but against our interests were amplified. Alien interests who earn one thousand times what we do insist on speaking for us. 

    Does that sound familiar to any other oppressed social groups? 

    Our alienation is yours; your humiliation is ours. 

    Our empowerment is yours; your uprising is ours.  

    Part III. Death by Capitalism 

    An estimated 50 million of us Americans fight addiction. 60 million of us have a mental health condition. 

    Dear 8 billion fellow human beings: 

    Despised: A Poor white Trash Manifestois a cry for help. We are not living well. The American dream that appears on your Netflix and Hollywood movies is a brittle myth. We are so busy surviving the capitalist nightmare, most of us have never even had the opportunity to learn about your struggles in Nigeria, Bolivia or Indonesia. The earth’s radius along the equator is almost 4,000 miles but the longest mile is between our two ears. When we are in our heads, we are in a bad neighborhood. We are a shortsighted breed, but now at least you know the perplexing origins of our myopia. Most of us never even thought about getting a passport. For many of us a machine gun and courses in hatred for humanity from the Marines and the Army were the only passport we had out of this misery. Reality weighs on us everyday until we sign up for their navy, army and air force to occupy and invade rich foreign countries. 

    Capitalist existence has robbed us of the ability to see beyond our own trauma, individualism and dogged quest for survival. Here we stand in Neopit, Wisconsin, Hayti Heights, Missouri and Porcupine, South Dakota, at the crossroads of thirst for truth and despondency. We hate politicians. We have long given up on any saviors and know in our heart of hearts, only we can save ourselves. We have all the necessary anger but little of the discipline needed for Revolution. 

    My youngest son, Cauã Amaru: the young prince of growth, overstanding and spirituality. 

    The People’s Vigils: Gone but not forgotten

    Dual Diagnosis

    Some 200,000 of us overdose every year. Millions more are traumatized. That means every year 28 times as many of us disappear as the US. government war machine disappeared in the U.S.’s failed conquests of Iraq and Afghanistan. 

    There is a war on us too, we just have not figured out how to make common cause with the rest of the hunted. Our lives are often worth less than a five or ten dollar bill.  We bury our loved ones swearing revenge on the scumball drug dealer who mixed fentanyl in our supply chain to save a few bucks. We blame Mexico and China as the “American dream” murders us. Isolated in our tragedies and rages, we don’t know how to mourn and fight back together. The People’s Vigils are the vision so that we never have to cry alone again as we bury our sons and daughters, and mothers and fathers from death by capitalism. As we hear Tucker Carlson blame China and Trump invades Mexico, do we stop to think that it is this very system, “American democracy,” that is murdering us in mass? “American de-mo-cra-cy” in the 5th Ward of Houston, the Bronx and the 9th Ward of New Orleans is dem-mock-ing-me > they-are-mocking-we > the rich are mocking us. Only we, the 340,000,000 Americans, can create the “Democracy” that has eluded us and has only ever existed for the George Washingtons, John D. Rockefellers and Bill Gates.   

    We are the panopticon the godfather of wokeness Michel Foucault obsessively studied. The social workers, Department of Youth Service workers and teachers feel pity for us. They blame us and get crocodile tears in their eyes for “our victims,” so as not to understand and make common cause with us. 

    We are fantasy addicts. We hope to live long, prosperous lives with our children, partners and family. We defend an American dream that has never included us. We are the anti-Patriot Patriots. We defend a flag that we long ago relinquished to our exploiters and enemies. Is your red white and blue the flag of Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk or the flag of your parents and grandparents? Old Glory cannot shine for the Haves and Have-nots at the same time. What is our flag? What banner can we carry that represents our aspirations? Why do we see ourselves through the eyes of our bosses and masters?

    Our high schools and churches banned Karl Marx for a reason. They were and continue to be afraid that we will find ourselves in our 9th great grandfather’s reasoning: 

    “The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians’ intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image.”

    We have OCD. We do things in threes to control the untamable trauma. We cannot let up. We take an ass-whopping but keep punching forward. The superior classes have humiliated us since the womb. We failed every Anger Management class. They were the only extra-curricular activities we were ever invited to participate in. Therapy for us is a “rich-people thing.”

    We are your ADHD test cases. We produce mental illness at scientific rates, corresponding to the rates of our alienation. Many such diagnoses are but a maladaptive coping mechanism to deal with our trauma. It is a learned lifestyle, when you never had a lifestyle choice. Survival instincts are a matter of life and death. Dr. Gabor Maté, a true godfather and defender of the evicted, speaks to us gently and with respect. Scattered, we collect the shattered pieces and spilt drugs off the carpet, trying to reassemble our brokenness. We are embarrassed by junkies, winos and bums, failing to see that they are us, and we are them, the oppressed, cast-off layers of society. We are the but of Dave Chapelle’s Ohio and Midwest jokes, but we never take it personal because we love a good laugh. Self-deprecating humor is native to us. 

    We are marked by obsessions. If you whoop us in a fight, we show up at your doorstep the next day for Round Two. Regret is foreign to us. Resentment is the number one offender. 

    We are the deflectors and denialists who scream “Fuckin’ Cunt” and “Cocksucker” at you on Route 2, 95 and 80. We are the first to flip out, yell and fight, but somehow the rage always returns stronger. We mock social workers and place our hopes in the Mega Millions. We see psychiatrists to cop a script and sell it for $200 to pay the rent. 

    Caffeine lightens the weight of routine. Caffeine gives us a reason to get out of bed. Caffeine is the beautiful mistress that inspires us to do ten more pushups. 

    We are judgemental. The anorexic judges the obese as ghastly. The cutter quivers upon thinking about the heroin addict. The gossips entertain themselves with the failures of the alcoholics. The gamblers murder themselves with promises of “I got to hit next time.” 

    We are the oxyelectorate. We do not vote based on our own best interests, but rather based on our alienation. How can we “Make America Great Again,” when for almost three centuries the haves never stopped stepping on the necks of the have-nots? Our exploiters, “the globalists,” moved their capital abroad to pay Dominicans and Vietnamese a day’s pay on an assembly line which is the equivalent of what they once had to pay us per hour in the 1980’s. Journalist Thomas Frank asks this very question in his book What’s the Matter with Kansas? Why do we vote for haughty politicians who would never sit down with us for a cup of coffee or a cold Bud Light?

    In Germ vs. Terrain theory, we are the germs that inevitably sprout up from the alienating social terrain. 

    We are a scientific people. Our DOCs (Drugs of Choice) tell our stories. 

    An addiction to heroin and fentynol tells a story of a childhood of incest and rape. Combat veterans suffer from similar afflictions. This is reflective of severe PTSD. The cutters and anorexics are not far behind. Of course, there are comorbidities and we have cousins who check all of these boxes. 

    Stoners and codependents most often had some degree of healing and have a much lighter load of PTSD. Of course, there is great variation across these oversimplified columns. What is scientific and predictable is that the severity of the addiction corresponds to the severity of the trauma. The capitalism-trauma-addiction-recovery-socialism nexus is our only hope of breaking the generational and historical cycle. We just don’t know it yet. 

    The Red, White and Blue means different things to different people. But you cannot tell us that! If you step on “our flag,” you will have to deal with us. But Bezos, Musk and Trump have been disrespecting us, our families and flag for decades and we never protested. We are a most contradictory people. 

    The Class Schism

    The poor white offends every polite sensibility. He is the walking mockery of liberal illusions. He is the concrete matter of your surveys and sociological studies. We are 75 percent of the guests you mocked and jeered on the Jerry Springer and Dr. Phil show. We seek a way out but all you ever offered was humiliation. Our deaths of despair are the only time we are headlines, as you hate us, mock us and tuck us under the analytical rug.

    Your theories of the racialized and sexualized have no room for us. Identity politics offers you an out and a satisfactory explanation. You can blame capitalism’s failures on detached single issues, like racism, sexism and heterosexism. Then, you only have to attend your next self-castigating “white privilege” workshop of the year to feel you are playing your role in fixing society’s ills. You ignore proletarian black, white and brown leadership because their analysis is real and calls out your contradictions. Cancel culture is a one-way street. Take note of the class of who is cancelled and who does the cancelling. Not much has changed in American history. Censorship is a class reality.    

    You practice “progressive stack” and make “points of privilege” at DSA conventions. We watch your workshops and conventions to entertain ourselves with your meekness. You can’t read the room because you have never lived outside your bubble. You attend picket lines and lecture workers on the way forward but have never had to work a 9-to-5 yourself. You preach about not taking up too much space but you are the professionals, pundits and professors. 

    We are the human filth and flotsam you removed from South Boston, Dorchester and Charlestown. You pushed us and our generational trauma to Gardner, the Cape and Manchester. You form groups targeting “white privilege” to appease your consciences, never reflecting on who you displaced. The DSA and PSL kicked us out because we made the wrong joke or stopped talking to us because they think they are better than us. Hipsters and professional activists gentrified our old neighborhoods and pushed us far away from the expensive city limits. This was never about skin color; This was all about Benjamins, Grants and Jacksons. Neither dead presidents nor living presidents represent us. Every president held up as a hero has been but a mouthpiece and rep of the rich. In 1848 in The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels wrote: “The executive of the modern state is nothing but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.” This is exactly what we mean everytime we say “you can’t trust these dirty, corrupt politicians.” Though we have yet to read him and have been taught to fear and hate him, we are Marx. And the workers, who fought before us, are us. 

    We know who has put us in this rut and it is not us. Does the identity-politics-funded left know who their true enemy is? Surely, it is not their funders. Upton Sinclair reminds us: “It is difficult to get a man to understand something, when his salary depends on his not understanding it.”

    The superficial is a liberal’s best friend. We are his feeble conscience, the inverted mirror to his ideal stability and perfect equilibrium. We are the surest proof that perfection and trying to please everyone is the closest thing to death. We, in our trailer parks, alongside the reservations and ghettos, are the surest proof that your entire system is irreformable and your destiny is to be overthrown. 

    The Virtue Hoarders

    Social critic Frederick Deboer brilliantly captures the liberal’s paternalism: 

    “They [liberal whites] wage this effort to justify their position with a different kind of virtue: not that of hard work and frugal living, but political virtue, identity virtue, the virtue of having the right kinds of opinions. And those opinions, amount to a benevolent, quietly condescending love for minority identities–the black, brown, the gay, the transgender, the Muslim, the disabled.” 

    Everyone is worthy of your pity except for your own “rejects” and “failures.” We are the virtue transgressors and virtue outlaws. We say what we think and don’t think when we say it. Like Frank Talk, we are fearless, “We write what we like.”

    Liberals drive around with their children giving their leftovers to the homeless and then preach about their principles. They elevate theatrics over solidarity and illusions over sacrifice. They defend Biden, because “at least he is more cultured than Trump,” the poor white trash billionaire. There is only one problem. The conman billionaire sounds so much realer to us because the liberal epitomizes paternalism. 

    The poor white can spot the plastic, penny-pinching, patronizing Biden-voters from a mile away. Kamala-voters smile as they rudely gawk at and touch a black woman’s hair with curiosity, only to turn around and snub a downtrodden white. For what is exotic or special about us? 

    Liberals are the face of incrementalism; We are the physiognomy of struggle.

    If we had to set the table at someone else’s house, we hated it and contemplated smashing the entire home to pieces, because we never had a table of our own to set. Before we were 14, we lived in 13 different places. The left hates us; the right manipulates us. The heartless left has delivered us to the doorstep of the right, like a stork arriving with a basket and a tender baby. 

    I always felt a certain resentment when people observed my early access to books on the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the Black Panthers and the Young Lords and concluded that I was a red diaper baby. I wasn’t a red diaper baby, I was a crack diaper baby. I was a survivor of the womb and of history. But looking back, it is true. My mother, a warrioress in the mold of Afeni Shakur, exposed me to so much. The combination of book smarts and street smarts carry the traveler and the revolutionary far in life.  

    The liberal trades in appearance, attention and validation politics. His activist hobbies, on full display in “White Dudes for Harris” and Showing Up for Racial Justice (SURJ), are self-flagellation and civility. The liberal self-segregates, marching at the back of the Black Lives Matter rallies; we march out of the welfare office irate, calling the case manager “a faggot” and the Child Protection Service (CPS) worker “a cunt.” 

    The liberal provokes mockery; We provoke disgust. 

    They feel guilt; We feel hunger. 

    The liberal has stripped the word “progressive” of any meaning. They have a fetish for mediocre workshops, empty words and hollow slogans. One bright morning at Boston University, after receiving their tenth report from Ibram X, Kendy’s ten-million-dollar team, they decided by academic committee to cease calling us “homeless” and label us “unhoused.” At Brown, they lecture us not to say “slaves,” but rather “enslaved people.” We are no longer “convicts” or “locked up,” we are “state impacted.” 

    We ask: “What the fuck is the difference?” How did you academics become so corny?”

    You worry about vacuous words; We worry about putting food on the table. 

    We do not measure our progress and emancipation by liberal linguistic yardsticks; We measure “progress” according to our material reality. Liberals offer us nothing, so we give them the finger and embrace their enemies. MAGA Republicans also despise “the despised,” but have been able to lasso up tens of millions of us and our rage. They have convinced us that our destiny is intertwined with a bigwigpig who is worth billions more than us, even though he has never worked like us a day in his life. 

    Every diversity initiative focuses on the underrepresented. Has anyone thought that poor whites, like all human beings, deserve a shot too? Why is this framed as a threat to the interests of black America or any other oppressed groups? Why do we fight over scraps from the masters’ table? No other oppressed person is our enemy, rival or competition because you never exploited us, spoke down to us or mocked our condition. You are our natural allies. While today this is far from being realized, the reality is that only together can we seize what belongs to us all. In the words of Bobby Seale and dozens of Black Panthers armed to the teeth before the legislature in Sacramento: “Up against the wall motherfucker! We’ve come for what’s ours!”

    Liberalism, Fascism and Guilt

    Timidity never made it in history. 

    Nor did liberals. Liberals have paved the way for holocausts and genocides. Liberals are cowardice and vacillation personified. Liberals are afraid to offend a Jewish friend or colleague as a nation is incinerated and a 76-year holocaust accelerates beyond Gaza into the West Bank, all of Occupied Palestine, Syria and Lebanon. Facebook and X likes, self-promotion and silence are more important than 2.4 million incinerated Gazan lives. 

    Like the Germans of 1939 and 2024 who cheer on genocide, the liberals are permanently attached to their guilt over their grandparents’ crimes of yesteryear. This provoked me to ask all my German friends: Are you against the genocide in Palestine? Why do you take great pride in feeling guilty about the Holocaust? Of what use is your guilt-pride, as you arm the modern-day Nazis to the teeth? From the Occupied and Genocided West Bank, Tamara Nassar and Abdaljawad Omar attempt to teach us “Westerners” and “whites” something about what it means to be honest and civilized. 

    For how many centuries have we collectively failed humanity? 

    The New York Times 1619 project serves this very ideological function. Liberals can mourn over past crimes as they ignore them today. They can cry over the need for reparations for Haiti, Black America and individual groups that were oppressed, while leaving the ongoing oppression and occupation untouched. Trump and Vance are the overtly racist dog whistler against Haitian immigrants. Biden and Harris are the savvy invaders and occupiers of Haiti for the fourth time in the past century. 

    The German, English and U.S. governments once competed for the gold medal in invasions, occupations and bombing campaigns against innocent human beings. The Western European colonial powers are but junior partners today in genocide. Once the colonizer, Western Europe today is the backyard of empire, occupied from England to Romania, from Italy to Ukraine, by over 75,000 U.S. troops. Now, the U.S. military prepares to occupy Palestine, the Navajos and Lakota of the Middle East. Germany, the U.S. and the lot of the Western world, the colonial and genocidal parties of yesteryear, perform the same crimes today. What are “reparations” but the liberal crumbs Malcolm warned about as an entire colonial system remains more rapacious than ever. The only real, living reparations entail not just a restoration of all that was stolen and squeezed from the enslaved, but a social formation that ends the exploitation and bleeding today. 

    Don’t Conflate Us with Our Enemies

    We poor whites are sick of being the crabs in the barrel that hate all the Mexican and Muslim crabs as Robert Kraft and Steve Ballmer degrade us all. Because we hate ourselves, it comes across that we hate you. How can we hate those whom we only know through the eyes of our enemies? 

    Liberals tiptoe on eggshells and gossip behind our backs. We say what’s on our minds. Alfred Lubrano, author of Limbo: Blue Collar Roots, White Collar Dreams, highlights the culture shock we feel if we are among the few selected for college scholarships. He hints at the passive-aggressive way of expression and the difficulty of learning to adapt to their alien norms and expectations. It was clear to Lubrano that Columbia University was a place that would never accept his father and family. This was how we scholarship students felt on Ivy League campuses. Homesickness and culture shock appeared in their naked class iteration. We may not have had much where we came from, but we had acceptance and love. On UPenn and Stanford’s campuses, we had to learn to be somebody else. 

    The liberal quotes Gandhi, Barack Obama and Kamala. The poor white quotes Jefferson, Jesus and Trump. He rarely talks about peace because it is not part of his reality. 

    They have sold us false prophets from Ronald to Donald. How many disgruntled whites were about to go Biden-huntin’ on July 15th, after Trump was shot? We fail to see the origins of our despised state. We are high off The New York Post and drunk off Fox because it is all we have ever known. 

    Liberalism represents nothing but petty concessions, proceduralism and a fake spirit of “kumbaya,” encouraging us to get along with elites who do everything to separate from us. We don’t want your crumbs; we want our own bakery in which to make our own bread. Your charity degrades us. Our cooperation with our own class, with its infinite hues and personal expressions, uplifts us. 

    We don’t judge you by your appearance or words. We could care less whom you sleep with. We give you our trust until you betray us. We can see through you. There is a transparency to both your hypocrisy and sincerity. Trauma, if survived and transcended, provides a special lens to gaze upon the souls of all folks. 

    I graduated from high school on this day in May 1996. 

    Part IV: The Class Antidote to Hillbilly Elegy

    40-year-old Ohio native JD Vance’s bestselling memoir Hillbilly Elegy shows us the misery, but ignores the source. The poor boy didn’t forget where he came; He never knew to begin with. Vast structures of violence and poverty have our mothers, sisters and daughters trapped in a vortex of abuse and low self-esteem. We are not junkies, winos or bums; We are fighters and survivors. Vance is all image, no heart. Vance is all Hollywood, no Middletown. Vance is venture capital, not steel. The GOP brass used Vance’s story as their own antidote to the pandemic of early deaths ravaging our families.  

    The rich propped up a fake. Black America has their uncle Toms and Latinos have their vendepatrias; We too have our booklickers and asskissers. The bootstrapper-extraordinaire, Vance, laments his own individual memories but ignores a society that has produced millions of us survivors. Unfortunately, Yale and the mega billionaire Peter Thiel‘s firm, Mithril Capital, didn’t have room for all of us, just sellouts like Vance willing to abandon the rest of us behind in Kentucky, West Virginia and across Appalachia. The ruling class flexes its handful of Oprah, rags-to-riches stories to impress upon us that there is room for millions of Vances in their board rooms, firms and Oval Offices. Lies! Vance like all the corporate politicians sold us out, using his own elegy to gloss over ours. Anyone who would use his own trauma to consolidate a traumatizing system is a carpetbagger. Vance is not welcome in Jackson, Eastern Kentucky, Middletown Northern Ohio nor Brockton, Southern Massachusetts. We the American people don’t need artificially elevated celebrities; We need friends. We don’t need egos; We need jobs. The only melancholic and heartwarming redneck, hillbilly or poor white trash elegy we need is one that grants us a fair, peaceful place under God’s broad sun. 

    Where I grew up in Brockton, on 66 French Ave, off Calmar Street. This is little Cape Verde, two blocks away from the legendary Cape Cod Cafe. 

    Sellin’ Our Souls

    How can you cancel the canceled? Long ago, we were canceled. Politicians only care about us every four years when they need to cash in our unenlightenment. We are out of sight and out of mind for most of America. Exiled in our own land, we make common cause with the most dastardly of enemies, who most of the time hate us as well. As the 1677 Bacon’s Rebellion and 1787 Shay’s Rebellion showed us, the aristocracy’s worst fear is that we unite with the red man and the black man on the basis of our common impoverishment. And it was then, at this historical moment when we made common cause with our fellow man that our overlords rechristened us as “white.” De jure laws written into the Virginia colony are the first time the word “white” appears on the law books as a social category enshrined as superior to other “racial groups.” “Whiteness” became the psychological mechanism to wed us to our czars and emperors and divorce us from our fellow man. Three centuries later we continue to take the bait.   

    Shunned and canceled as “deplorables,” the offensive poor white trash has no liberal baggage to shed. We were born “despicable,” dispossessed and disposed of long ago. Our wrath and lack of horizons are inherently illiberal. Our fate is unknown. 

    We are Joe Biden‘s “garbage” people. We have no political home. Nobody wants us. Not the jackass or the elephant. We are only good for our votes and many of us cannot even organize ourselves to do that. We are the defuturized, the disaffected and the spiritually homeless.  

    The liberals high five for Hillary, Kamala, Joe, Bill, Barack and Michelle. The poor whites’ only wish is to spit in their phoney faces and call them by their true first names, “fakes and bitches.” My family members’ words are offensive but at least they are real. It is telling that the very way we speak causes outrage among the upper strata. Has anything changed in history? The Politics of Resentment by political scientist Katherine Cramer examines the anger among working-class families across Wisconsin at “being looked down upon by the big-city elites in Madison.” Working-class chauvinism, pride in making due with no outside help, is not just a concept, but a way of being. 

    “Rich Men North of Richmond”

    Former factory worker Oliver Anthony wrote our 2023 national anthem, “Rich Men North of Richmond.” The Farmville, Virginia, native whose real name is Christopher Anthony Lunsford speaks for all of us with his opening lyrics:

    I’ve been sellin’ my soul, workin’ all day 
    Overtime hours for bullshit pay
    So I can sit out here and waste my life away
    Drag back home and drown my troubles away.
    It’s a damn shame what the world’s gotten to
    For people like me and people like you
    Wish I could just wake up and it not be true
    But it is, oh, it is.

    Although the song reached over 200 million people, the woke twitterati expressed nothing but disgust for Oliver Anthony’s work. They hyper-focused on one line: 

    I wish politicians would look out for miners
    And not just minors on an island somewhere
    Lord, we got folks in the street, ain’t got nothin’ to eat
    And the obese milkin’ welfare
    Well, God, if you’re five-foot-three and you’re three-hundred pounds
    Taxes ought not to pay for your bags of Fudge Rounds
    Young men are puttin’ themselves six feet in the ground
    ‘Cause all this damn country does is keep on kickin’ them down

    One “offensive” line spurred phalanxes of commentators to condemn “Rich Men North of Richmond.” The liberal loses sight of the forest because of one “bad” or misunderstood tree. His line about Americans “milking welfare” pushed all the liberal buttons. They denounced this rare, algorithm-breaking, working-class hero as “fat phobic” and other non-politically-correct labels. Anthony’s popular outrage sparked other anthems like “Poor Men South of Portland” by Jon Reep. But because we are not perfect enough for the liberals and do not express things like them, they cancel us and our anthems. The poor white does not have the benefit of a dialectical materialist bird’s eye view of class society and its infinite contradictions. Yes, we get it wrong sometimes. In the trenches and on the shop floor, it behooves us to have thick skin or we will annihilate one another as the banksters laugh all the way to D.C., just north of Richmond. It is true that “the obese” are just as much victims and survivors of this moribund, late capitalist society as the anorexic, the cutters and the fentanyl fiends. It is true. We have swallowed tropes about “black welfare queens” and “lazy Puerto Rican families exploiting the system.” Does that make us “chuds” and “incels,” two derogatory words used by Compact Magazine to describe Oliver? Yet Oliver was clear on where he stands and who his enemies are, stating: “It’s aggravating to see people on conservative news try to identify with me like I’m one of them.” 

    No one from the working class is going to be a ready-made, flawless cadre of the revolution. Malcolm X cautions us against judging and canceling others: “There was a time when you didn’t know what you know today.” Is canceling us and dismissing us the way forward or is it counterproductive? Is there no way to meet us halfway? Are these petty bourgeois forces in firm control of the left interested in forming a true working-class army? History has proven that only real, everyday struggle can unite us and wash away these distant tertiary contradictions that exist among the people. 

    We are not the problem. The problem is that dialectics are the kryptonite of liberals. By looking down on and canceling Trump country, liberalism has handed large swaths of America’s working poor to Trump and his billionaire cabinet.  

    ‘The Most Dangerous Thing in the Western Hemisphere’

    At Harvard University, which costs an average of $76,763 to attend, in 2016, 91 percent of faculty donations went to Hillary Clinton. 80 percent of Harvard students vote for the Democratic Party and 6 percent for the Republicans. How could it be that the flyover states see the world so differently and vote the polar opposite way? 

    I wrote the following poem as part of an eulogy to a fellow who passed from a “death of despair” recently:

    The “cultured” vs the uncouth
    The snooty vs the real
    Behold the
    Salt of the Earth
    Breaking balls
    over sarcasm and beer
    No airs
    Humble as dirt
    A man’s man
    A woman’s woman
    A guy’s guy
    A gal’s gal
    …..
    Balls to the wall

    To the radlib, I am nothing beyond my appearance, “a white cis male.” To the liberal, it is of little consequence that my siblings, cousins and I have picked up three generations of our loved ones from the callous concrete, overdosed and discarded. No amount of generational trauma undoes our “whiteness,” “cis-ness” and “toxic and hyper masculinity.” To those who peddle in virtuousness, our “deplorable-ness” is unforgivable. Poverty was our birthright; abandon, our middle name. We speak a language unintelligible to the liberal, the dialect of survival. We are as alien and offensive to one another as foxes are to chickens. All your arrogance and guilt are foreign to us. We have too little to feel guilt. You want attention and validation; we want survival and dignity.

    This is why Malcolm called liberals “the most dangerous thing in the Western hemisphere.” They do not act out of conviction; they act out of convenience. They think so highly of themselves and what they perceive as their uprightness that they frame themselves as part of the solution. They deplore “the deplorables,” but do not question the deplorable social, cultural and economic conditions that give birth to us. 

    The liberal white is a most excitable creature. He is fully capable of ignoring all the poor whites’ obnoxious cries for help — the school shootings, the overdoses, the xenophobia, the hate crimes — but the moment the poor white scapegoats the fleeing Mexican or the refugized Somalian, they make a PBS news special about us. That is the only time we are worthy of any sociological attention. How strikingly similar to how the Southern historians describe us as pursuing nothing but black death for the span of American history. Adolph Reed and Walter Benn Michaels urge us to question: Which class would have a material interest in narrowly focusing on the worst of our attributes and actions? Is it fair to think that at no point we poor whites pursued our own collective goals? Has it occurred to anyone that the liberals’ disdain for the working American plays right into the hands of the billionaires? 

    And here we are, under the liberals’ microscope, a petri dish of immiserated whites run afoul. 

    We carry out our executions in circles, the puppet master dangling the strings from above and beyond. We are preoccupied with every type of alien, except the one with the knife in our neck.

    Liberals enjoy nothing more than making fun of Donald Trump and his lack of enlightenment. Trump’s racist and asinine comments are more offensive and devastating for the liberal than the ten Nagasaki and Hiroshima atomic bombs dropped over the Gaza Reservation. Complaining and fretting is their pastime. At no point do they take responsibility for having rubbed this white supremacist genie warmly out of his bottle. It is your neglect, your deindustrialization and your forked tongue that abandoned the other white America to the MAGA movement. You turned your back on us yesterday! Today you have no right to rebuke and mock us! The sleek liberal politician never offered us anything, but despises our decisions in a decisionless world.  

    The racist conservatives mislead us equally successfully, but that is their job and they are more honest about it. The wolf in the grass pretends to be nothing other than the ravenous beast that he is. The liberal fox and snakes in the grass double deal in passive aggression. This essay has mostly targeted the foxes because we have no illusions about the wolves and their desire to devour us.  

    We are a resentful breed, hellbent on leveling the American playing field.  

    I could only grow into who I am because of this woman. Karen Joyce Sypher Mahoney, my mother, never met a working man or woman she did not learn from and never picked up a book she didn’t finish. In some ways mom, it will always be: “Just us against the world…”

    PTSD

    We are the 9-year-old bed wetters. We are the 10-year-olds who smear our shit all over the walls, screaming for help but are never heard. We are the sexually condemned. We are the generationally doomed. We are reminded since we were old enough to understand that it was all “our fault.”

    Trauma is not being seen and not being heard. 

    Our fathers are torches in the street and darkness at home. Our mothers are survival, personified. We had “step fathers and mothers,” who were like Christmas presents, they came and went with the season. We asked our moms, mas, and mamas once after decades: “What percentage of your existence has been survival? What percentage has been living?” “80-90 percent survival and 10–20 percent living my son” was the most common response. We carry the legacy of single mothers who taught us: “Fight through the tough moments, savor the rest.” Our fathers were so busy chasing manhood and dopamine, the corners and alleyways raised us. 

    We are the children sexually abused by uncles, basketball coaches and priests. We are the dreams invaded by cold sweats and nightmares. We are the latchkey kids who fall asleep in first and eighth period. Read our medical files. We were robbed of a chance before we were conscious of what life was. Instead of listening to our truths, you label us as “ADHD,” “anxious” and “autistic.” Branded, we are misunderstood and further ignored. Everyday your psychiatrists and Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) have fresh diagnoses and fresh pills for us. We are the little wanderers you see at the Welfare and Food Stamp offices. Guidance counselors, doctors and psychiatrists collect their six digit salaries, building up our files without ever questioning the roots of our trauma. Disruptive Mood Dysregulation Disorder (DMDD), Internet Gaming Disorder (IGD) and Social Communication Disorder (SCD) are your latest diagnoses. 

    How much easier is it to label us than to take a hard, non-liberal look at the social forces that hatched us? 

    “Special Education” for us was always an empty, high-falutin euphemism for the special violence delivered onto us. Physical, mental, emotional and sexual violence were our families legacies, dating back to Belfast, Glasgow and Liverpool. We and our siblings were called “idiots,” “assholes” and “retards” so much, it was more common than being called Mikey, Danny or Greg. We strike first and ask questions later. The violence you deposited in our being and the hatred you surrounded us with now comes home to roost from Columbine to New Orleans to Las Vegas.   

    For some of us, it was a baptism by fire, for others it was baptism by incest. 

    We were told it was our fault. We were told not to tell anybody. We were told we were dirty. If we survived, we discovered we were only as unhealthy as our secrets. 

    We were Will Hunting (played by Matt Damon in “Good Will Hunting”), full of aggression and self-hatred lashing out at everyone around us. Very few of us in real life had a therapist like Sean Maguire (played by Robin Williams) to tell us, “It’s not your fault.” If ever in cinematic history, there were four words that speak to us, it was those spoken by one of the world’s most beloved artists and actors. 

    We trust no one. We internalized your sins, never to be spoken of again. The alcohol and the crystal meth dredged up more truths than any social worker or sexual education class. We wandered the halls of your schools, DYS offices and the homeless shelters, the guardians of the greatest secrets. Here within these cold stares and heavy left hooks, are secrets no one dares to utter. We bear secrets you would not even dare to place on the shoulders of gods. You stored all your secrets away right here within us. We are a well-balanced breed. We carry a chip the size of the mighty Redwoods on both shoulders. We are the precise accumulation of all your transgressions. 

    Like the indomitable Chris Herren from Fall River, Massachusetts, our heart and heartlessness are unprotected and “Unguarded.”  

    We are the survivors of your cowardice and broken system. It is true that most of us do not know anything other than your racist tropes about Haiti or Palestine. And what we know least of all, is that we have an eternal Palestinian and Haitian flame burning within. It is only the discovery and organization of that blaze that breathes revolutionary optimism into future global winds…

    We Don’t Need Your White Saviors

    Bussing inner-city children out of the ghetto and into the suburbs brings the liberal unadulterated elation. METCO integration programs “liberate” another child for the capitalist journey, all the while ignoring the nefarious social terrain upon which we seek to eke out an existence. In his house of mirrors, the progressive fashions himself the most advanced of his species. Masters of niceties and pleasantries, the liberals roll out the red carpet of identity politics for all to apply. Except the poor whites. For they are identityless. Despotic. Hopeless. Barren. The embarrassment of the nation. They search in the liberals’ soul for scraps of sustenance and find denial. Terminally online, our children search for belonging in a cesspool of algorithm-reinforced fear and identity narcissism. Too craven and uncritical to dig deeper, liberal parents embrace the dogmas of pharmaceutical companies and government agencies. 

    Before the liberal’s affirmative actions programs, the poor white anxiously opens up an envelope with a bad check. 

    Liberals are all-knowing, ignoring the alienation they’ve contributed to creating.

    The liberal needs to be needed. This is colloquially referred to as “the white savior complex.” They are the perennial missionaries, gallivanting across the globe with their Bibles and Ford Foundation grants. They promise the “uneducated” and “backward” natives of Bangladesh and Haiti that they will send them aid, but only if they adopt foreign priorities. They define the human rights of Nigerians and Chinese, and the humanitarian causes most deserving of attention. They donate to USAID even though only 10 percent of their $25 billion dollar budget ever makes it to “the third world.” 

    You poisoned us. Your heroes are John F. Kennedy, Barack Obama and Ellen. Our mentors were alcoholics, womanizers and child molesters. 

    Many of us have unknowingly made mistakes that stem from liberalism. But most of our sins are of the illiberal variety. It is ok. We learn as we go. Unless we were born and raised in an alternate communist universe, it is inevitable that we internalize liberal ideology. The ruling class would not be the ruling class if they did not have full or close-to-full ideological control over us. And as the screws tighten on the Gaza coffin, they fasten the bolts of Western democracy. 

    The sons of Bacon’s Rebellion, the daughters of Shay’s Rebellion: only those who are not invested in the system can step outside of it, question it and turn on it. Malcolm X offered up his antidote to white liberal hegemony. His name was John Brown. 

    John Brown, torch, bible and rifle in hand, burned down every liberal illusion, reminding his rivals, haters and enemies: “These men are all talk. What we need is action — action!”

    The 1 4 9 Boxing Crew: Mambo, Pablo, Boo Boo Smooth and Matt. 

    Part V. The Deplorables: In their Own Words

    A comrade once asked me: why do liberals seem to abstractly love poor people of color, but hate poor white people? 

    That is a question my material existence has forced me to sit with for 46 years since I came out shadowboxing from my mother’s womb. After I was snubbed as the best man by some “friends” who turned their noses up at me at a wedding in Ithaca, NY, I meditated on this definitive class schism.  

    No Beef but Class Beef, No War but Class War

    The white liberal suffer from a crisis of validation. Thoroughly groomed by the hegemonic identity politics of this day and age, they seek to please black and brown people by behaving in non-offensive ways and saying politically-correct things. These are their symbolic, surface-level “victories” they need to appease their consciences. Their workshops hyperfocus on what a generation ago was called “political correctness.” The constantly evolving liberal elites now promote political correctness on steroids. Children across this country are taught terms like “Latinx” in Spanish class, a term most of their Mexican and Puerto Rican peers have never even heard, nevermind understand. This does not stop the language overlords from stepping up their vocabulary and expression policing. Patrolling people’s language ingratiates them with their POCPMC  friends. The PMC or Professional Managerial Class are the millionaires and petty bourgeois managers who dominate “the movement.” Armed with foundation grants and nonprofit budgets, these are the “goodies” or goodie-two-shoes liberals. Liberal “victories” specialize in targeting workers, as the rich laugh all the way to the bank. 

    For the “progressive,” attention and approval from a person of color is worth its weight in gold. The downtrodden whites are politically incorrect by definition. Liberalism, the most superficial of ideologies, has no use for the poor white, who provides no validation. The presence and proliferation of the LGBTQBIPOC community is the liberals’ hit of validation. Poor white trash lack such exotic, alphabetical qualities. They are the blight. The debris. The eyesore. The monstrosity. The down-and-out client the public defender needs a cup of coffee and a cigarette in order to turn in a plea deal. 

    The petit-bourgeois whites are a non-thinking tail to the kite of the dominant wing of capitalism. Appearance is everything; dialectics is a cross to the liberal vampire. 

    It is not uncommon that they recruit, artificially elevate and reward “diverse” members of the oppressed class who do their bidding. There are such examples which Fox News unabashedly refers to as “diversity hires.” On our side of the class barricades, we should be careful of those possessing the appearance of militancy but not critically grasping the essence of Marxism. Independent thinkers are a problem for the PMC. Dialectics demands creativity; the PMC demands obedience. These two diametrically opposed forces are on a permanent collision course. Today, identity politics and class politics battle for the soul of our class. 

    A Peculiar Historical Character

    Liberals look down on us; conservatives try to convince us everyone else is the problem, except those who are the problem. Our bosses tell us our enemies are black people, immigrants and Muslims. Everyone, except our real enemy, an overwhelmingly white ruling class who hides behind fake Diversity Equity and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives. 

    We poor whites insist on being the same peculiar historical character who has perfectly hated everyone, including ourselves, but cannot identify the exploiter that towers over us. In times past, “the only heave that attracted [us] was the life of the great Souther planter (Du Bois 27). Dave Chappelle comedically explores our gullibility in a skit about the 2016 elections:

    “I stood with them in line like all Americans are required to do in a democracy — nobody skips the line to vote — and I listened to them. I listened to them say naive poor white people things. ‘Man, Donald Trump’s gonna go to Washington and he’s gonna fight for us. I’m standing there thinking in my mind, ‘You dumb motherfucker. … You are poor. He’s fighting for me.” 

    We have a history of trusting our exploiters and masters. Behold our most peculiar social behavior. We hate anyone who lives like us but is not us. How many of us ever expressed outrage at the fact that native people and Africans were being genocided and viciously exploited for their labor power, let alone raised one finger in protest?  History will name very few such white people. Du Bois takes us there:

    “This brings us down to the period of the Civil War. Up to the time that the war actually broke out, American labor simply refused, in the main, to envisage black labor as a part of its problem. Right up to the edge of the war, it was talking about the emancipation of white labor and the organization of stronger unions without saying a word, or apparently giving a thought, to four million black slaves. During the war, labor was resentful. Workers were forced to fight in a strife between capitalists in which they had no interest and they showed their resentment in the peculiarly human way of beating and murdering the innocent victims of it all, the black free Negroes of New York and other Northern cities; while in the South, five million non-slaveholding poor white farmers and laborers sent their manhood by the thousands to fight and die for a system that had degraded them equally with the black slave. Could one imagine anything more paradoxical than this whole situation?” 

    What innocent victims of capitalism do we beat and murder today? What are hate crimes and school shootings but the projection of our incomplete liberation struggle? We are the abandoned, defamed chickens coming home to roost, harvesting harsh hatred all around us.  

    While far too few John Browns and Newton Knights arose in the South, slavery was inimical to poor whites’ class interests. 

    The historical materialist uses precision to thwart his ideological rivals. There were 5,000,000 whites in the South in 1860 who owned no slaves. There were 2,000,000 whites who owned smaller numbers of slaves. According to Du Bois, 8,000 slave-owning white oligarchs ruled the entire South. Du Bois offers this social portrait so as to disprove of a central bourgeois lie. It was a tiny sliver of gilded white men who owned the bulk of slaves and the middle and upper class that directly benefited from slavery. They were the Arnaults, Ellisons and Zuckerburgs of the 19th-century South. 99 percent of us whites did not exist for them. Like the billionaires of today, they did not consider us as constituting any part of what they called “the South.” Why is blame distributed evenly across all whites for slavery and colonization? Those busy trying to feed themselves have not the power to exploit and imprison others. 25 percent of Southern whites could not read or write (Du Bois p. 26). The bricks in the wall of the fascist and white supremacist state are not the same as its facilitators and managers. This is what the liberal class has forgotten. How convenient to blame the whipping boy, as the true crackers grow more emboldened to crack the whip of capitalism over all of our destinies. 

    How can we be said to benefit from a state that humiliates and encages us all? 

    Oppression Olympics is not a game that benefits any of us. There is but one fundamental contradiction to be resolved, and then, and only then, will all secondary and tertiary contradictions wither away. 

    The Simple Man

    On full display and explored here are two peoples, at odds. Before the class divide, whom do you stand with? 

    The ranchers, the farmers, the herders, the marines, the fishermen, the NFL fans, the highwaymen, the patriots and those imprisoned in their own land?

    Or our supervisors, bosses and CEOs?  

    We have our own poems, creeds and anthems. We are Lynyrd Skynyrd’s “Simple Man:”

    Forget your lust for the rich man’s gold
    All that you need is in your soul
    And you can do this, oh, baby, if you try
    All that I want for you, my son, is to be satisfied
    And be a simple kind of man
    Oh, be something you love and understand
    Baby, be a simple kind of man
    Oh, won’t you do this for me son, if you can?
    Oh, yes, I will…

    We are the friends of Bill W. We learned no one could confront and transcend the trauma but us. Self-pity was our drug of choice. We 12-steppers fight like Pink, Mark Ruffalo and Josh Gad in “Thanks for Sharing.” Our world record for sobriety is 24 hours. All we have is today. We picked up the shattered pieces of our pasts and knitted together an existence of self-respect. 

    You have been taught to fear us and hate us. 

    We are the big men with the red flannel shirts. Our presence makes you cringe and back up. We are the hardened women with a cigarette hanging out of our mouths and a hoarse voice, whose life expectancy is drastically lower than yours. Our deaths of despair constitute an ongoing pandemic but are largely dismissed given our rank in this American caste system. We have more guns than friends. We know whom we can trust. According to the noble historians, all we have ever done for the length of time is hate black people. We are told that for the lot of history we were merely the overseers, cracker-ass-crackers and lynchers. We never had a vision for ourselves and our families? We never built or constructed anything, even though we were the ones who wielded the drills, chisels and hammers? Our skin was draped in soot. Our lungs drowned in coal dust. We are anti-history. 

    The anti-nazi poet Bertolt Brecht raised this very point in 1935 in his poem “Questions From a Worker Who Reads:”

    Who built Thebes of the 7 gates?
    In the books you will read the names of kings.
    Did the kings haul up the lumps of rock? 

    And Babylon, many times demolished, Who raised it up so many times? 
    In what houses of gold glittering Lima did its builders live?
    Where, the evening that the Great Wall of China was finished, did the masons go?
    Great Rome is full of triumphal arches. Who erected them ? 
    Over whom did the Caesars triumph? Had Byzantium, much praised in song, only palaces for its inhabitants? 
    Even in fabled Atlantis, the night that the ocean engulfed it, The drowning still cried out for their slaves. 
    The young Alexander conquered India.Was he alone? 
    Caesar defeated the Gauls. Did he not even have a cook with him? 
    Philip of Spain wept when his armada went down. Was he the only one to weep?  
    Frederick the 2nd won the 7 Years War. Who else won it? 
    Every page a victory. Who cooked the feast for the victors? 
    Every 10 years a great man. Who paid the bill? 
    So many reports.  
    So many questions.

    Brecht’s brilliant commentary is a critique of capitalist history writing which focuses on the great generals and presidents but ignores the masses of workers who made history. We have a responsibility to rescue from oblivion, what Frederick Engels called “prehistory,” all of our ancestors’ mettle and contributions. For who would allow their enemy to teach them and write their history? Our own history has been stolen from us. Our enemies have created a self-hating, obedient class in their image. 

    Part VI: The Anti-Woke Proclamation 

    We know all about Kimberly Crenshaw’s intersectionality even if we are unworthy of her pied-piper pen. Crenshaw claims to want social change but charges $100,000 per lecture to share her anti-worker, identity-politics gobbledygook. You love to write about us and accuse us. Why don’t we ever have the right to appear and reply in our own voice?

    Professor Chenshaw: if our ideological and class enemies so consistently elevate you, Ibram X. Kendi and Robin DiAngelo, what does that say about your work? Why do they pay you to examine every atomized niche of poverty in the United States but to ignore the biggest financial famine? You are fascinated by the pathologies but are too good to descend to talk to the pathologized. Every portrait you paint of poverty in America focuses on “black trans women” and other subsets to the detriment of us all. The only way black trans women can rise up is if we all rise up. Our great uncle Eugene Debs said it from his Chicago prison cell where he received 1,000,000 votes for U.S. president in 1920: “My purpose is not to rise up from the working class; my purpose is to rise up with the working class.” 

    Wokeness vs The Vengeance of the Bankrupt and Canceled

    10 million of us lost our homes in 2008 when the government bailed out the banks and left us out in the cold. Hundreds of thousands of us lose our homes every year. 26 million of us have no health insurance. Over 100 million of us do not have a job or an adequate one. All economic signs as the billionaires attack our hard-earned social safety net indicate that these patterns are intensifying everyday. 

    It matters little what color our skin is or who we lay down next to at night; We are all fucked. 

    The elites divide us over what we think about people born men using women’s bathrooms and whether a woman has the right to have an abortion or not. We won’t fall for your make-believe Culture Wars. Black, white, brown, yellow, rainbow and every shade in between, we are all losing. We will not divide ourselves over who can play on kids’ sports teams or whether you ban assault rifles or not. We are simple people; We want housing, health care and jobs. Like the Irish Easter legend, James Connolly, “our demands most moderate they are — we only want the earth.” 

    Friends and Enemies

    We are Zbigniew Brzezinski’s Realpolitik. No one gives a fuck about us and we don’t give a fuck about nobody. We snorted, bet and inhaled every last poison to get through the day. But we still never made it and have 25 hours to go. 

    We are dope-sick, dope-thirsty and dope-hungry. Our eyes are greedy; our emptiness eternal. Our alter egos rob our grandmothers and hustle our aunts. Here we are, Chasing the Scream, bobbin’ and weavin’ through a chemical obstacle course designed to consume us. We answer the door with an empty syringe in a vein crashed and emptied by the elites. We take our pain out on who is closest. We practice our executions in circles. 

    We never learned to look another human being in their eyes, until and unless we made it to our 30s. We are the walking, self-mocking contradiction. We exist at the interstices of centuries of abandon. 

    My great grandfathers and grandfathers were also men of science, standing at the material intersections of debt, distress and destitution. To confuse the propagandized with the propagandists is unacceptable. You help build the academic superstructure that ignores and condemns the majority of poor people. We are the book Adrienne Marie Brown will never write and the skit Alok V. Menon will never perform. Loyal to the publishing industry and algorithms, we are the truths deemed damnable. We are Noah Chomsky’s “unworthy victims” and Chris Hedges’ Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt. We are not invested in the system; we live at its margins invested in survival. The trailer parks hate the police as much as the ghettos and reservations do. Only the unity of these necessary hatreds gives us a shot… 

    “The class-conscious worker is the greatest danger to capitalism,” not tiny infinitely oppressed sects who are taught to hate other poor people while letting our common exploiter sit pretty with his boots on all of our necks. To confuse class exploitation and elevate individual oppressions above it is to sublimate folly and cowardice. 

    We say with you: “Fuck Trump!” But to say “Fuck Trump Country” is to say fuck ourselves, and this is what we have been doing since we were brought or came to these shores. 

    In 1977, on a cold November night, my 24-year-old hippie mother wandered into an Irish pub called “Ye Old Town House,” owned by this man, my father, the 40-year-old stone mason and mayor of Maynard, George Bernard Shaw. He looked into her eyes and told her: “I have never seen such sad, hazel eyes. Can I take you out to breakfast?” The rest is history…

    Poor white Reconstruction

    My father wore the sweat of labor on his sun-burnt neck until his lungs could not swallow more nicotine. His last smile and words were flirting with a Puerto Rican nurse in the VA hospital as his son learned to internalize trauma and run from it. But everywhere I ran, there I was.  

    My mother is the seven-year-old girl within who never had the time or resources to heal. Violence, trauma and addiction devoured her inner child. I absorbed the best and worst of generations of fighters spread across the Irish, Scottish, English and American landscapes. A heritage of resiliency and resistance roams my veins, hardened by 2,781 knife thrusts and back stabs. 

    Du Bois, the scribe of Black Reconstruction and the burgeoning science of American sociology, spotted this contradictory axis upon whose fortunes America’s future pivots. What most pained and fascinated Du Bois was how the worker in white skin ignored the slave in dark skin. Labor and early American unions were the slaves’ natural comrades in arms, but class unity, thus far in our timeline, has been multiracial, American pie in the sky. The historian tasked his dialectical materialist pen with framing the poor white’s condition. 

    In all this consideration, we have so far ignored the white workers of the South and we have done this because the labor movement ignored them and the abolitionists ignored them; and above all, they were ignored by Northern capitalists and Southern planters. They were in many respects almost a forgotten mass of men. Cairnes describes the slave South, the period just before the war: 
    It resolves itself into three classes, broadly distinguished from each other, and connected by no common interest-the slaves on whom devolves all the regular industry, the slaveholders who reap all its fruits, and an idle and lawless rabble who live dispersed over vast plains in a condition little removed from absolute barbarism.

    Yes, we too have roots and family lineage that provoke both pride and shame. We continue to be ignored and we continue to be barbaric. We vote for the most obnoxious, who captures the insidiousness that surrounds and consumes us. We are the WWE crowd who vote for the dude who will bomb the most “Hamas and Hezbollah bad guys.” We are the butts of your jokes and the Honey-Boo-Boo caricatures of your Hollywood.  

    Where are the curriculum, textbooks and state exams that elevate us? Where are the teachers who don’t care about regents and bureaucracy but want to hear our voices? Who cares about us? Are we more than a political football to be tossed around every four years? Who will tell our stories? 

    Those who seek to put all whites into one neat box understand little about America. They do the work of the elites. They throw away and cancel a most forgotten and rebellious element. We poor whites and liberals despise one another. When do we come into contact with one another? When we clean your pools or landscape your bushes, you keep us as distant as any other worker. We are the illegals and aliens whom you have not yet figured out how to deport. Shut out of your psychiatric hospitals, we pass through the revolving doors of the jails, shelters and streets, in search of three hots and a cot. 

    The Catskills brussel sprout farmer asks: Fear? What is Fear to the manchild who who has seen more than most 40-year-old men? Fear is a thief. FEAR: False Evidence Appearing Real. What fear are we entitled to, when our very survival is a miracle. We are on borrowed time, so we make every second count. You only get 1 shot! 

    Baby-mama drama, screamin’ on her, too much for me to wanna
    “Stay in one spot, another day of monotony’s gotten me
    To the point I’m like a snail, I’ve got
    To formulate a plot or end up in jail or shot
    Success is my only motherfuckin’ option, failure’s not
    Mom, I love you, but this trailer’s got
    To go, I cannot grow old in Salem’s Lot
    So here I go, it’s my shot; feet, fail me not
    This may be the only opportunity that I got”
    -”Eminen,” Marshall Bruce Mathers III

    Me and Chichi on Broadway in 2004, performing “Yo Soy Fred Hampton. Yo soy Hugo Chávez.” 

    The White-Hot Blaze

    Liberals are roadblocks who seek to retard the momentum of history. The poor white then is the spur on the liberal’s conscience, the all-too-real refraction of his timidity. The poor white is a threat. Covetous and carnivorous, balls to the wall, fists raised, we have nothing to lose. 

    The liberal will go to jail for the cause, as long as he is out by dinnertime; the poor white was born in jail. 

    You are sensitivity and fragility politics; we are gallows humor, laughing the entire way to the cemetery. No one dares to speak on our behalf at our wakes. We have to import priests in from Rwanda and Burundi because the local clergy despise us too. 

    The liberal will experiment with drugs; the poor white smoked, snorted, gambled away and drank every last potion to get through the day. For you drugs are a hobby; for us drugs were survival until we could turn on this system. We are not ashamed. Every swig, snort and injection aided the quest for life or took it. Those of us who made it are the greatest magic show on earth. 

    We turned Huey P. Newton’s reactionary suicide into Revolutionary Suicide.

    We refuse to die from the needle or bottle for nothing; We want to live and die on our own dignified terms. 

    The liberal is guided by fear, the poor white by resentment.

    The showdown is between cowardice and courage, liberalism versus strength.

    As Julia De Burgos wrote of the Puerto Rican quest for nationhood and anti-colonial salvation: 


    and when with the torch of the seven virtues,
    after the seven sins, the multitudes run,
    against you, and against everything unjust
    and the inhuman, I will go in the midst of
    them with the torch in hand.

    And so, at last, here it is. Denied the pen and history books, today, we got to have our say. Before the insults and half-truths, now you have a sense of what makes us poor whites tick. Before both our friends and foes, here is The Wretched of the Earth for Appalachians. The Vengeance of the Bankrupt and Canceled. The Pedagogy of the Deplorables. The Poor white Trash Manifesto. An Anti-Woke Proclamation. An Illiberal, Anti-Republican Promulgation. This is the necessary antidote to Hillbilly Elegy. This is a calling. Fuck Trump! But giving up on “Trump country” is giving up on America, which we will never do!

    To all the liberals and fake leftists:
    Fuck your internet cancel culture 
    You’ll never bury the people’s soldiers!

    The People’s Vigil: Communities Confront the Opioid Epidemic in Riverhead, Long Island

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    Families, concerned community members and organizers from across Long Island, New York City and New Jersey gathered the evening of Oct. 1 in Riverhead, N.Y., for the People’s Vigil to remember all of the lives lost to the opioid epidemic.

    Standing in a semicircle, the crowd supported one another as dozens of speakers poured fourth heart-wrenching testimony of overdose, loss, recovery and survival. This was one community’s effort to intervene in a public health crisis that claimed the lives of 66,000 Americans last year. To give a sense of just how big this crisis is, at the height of the AIDS crisis in 1994, 50,000 people died.

    In unity, there is strength

    Voice after voice offered chilling testimonies of the toll drugs took on their lives. Brave participants from all walks of life, representing towns and neighborhoods spread across New York and New Jersey, volunteered their pain and their stories. Speakers came from the most oppressed sections of the Bronx, Staten Island, the Lower East Side and Paterson while others were from the poor rural suburbs of Hempstead, Roosevelt and Islip. Hearing them on the same platform reiterated the fact that every part of the working class is fighting against this plague.

    Laura Caruso spoke about the loss of her 24-year-old son, local baseball star Dylan, this past June and the indescribable absence that she and her family felt. She remembered Dylan for “his big heart and willingness to always help others in need.” Dylan’s girlfriend Kellyanne read a letter evoking the memory of a young man whose whole life was ahead of him.

    Registered Nurse Joyce Chediac urged people to look deeper into why this epidemic afflicts our communities. Evoking the memory of her brother Tommy, her voice beamed out into the night: “Our loved ones were not their illness. Let us reclaim their dignity as human beings.” She called on family members there to “reclaim our own dignity, and all that we need to keep our dignity, including holding the government accountable for getting drugs out of our communities, and our right to a decent job.”

    A circle of pain and healing

    A young Filipina and a young Colombian woman remembered their own mothers and their bouts with addiction. Forgiving but never forgetting, they regretted not having had the opportunity to spend time with their mothers and understand their battles.

    Recovering addicts offered educational testimonies of what they had endured and overcome to get here today. We heard of people with untreated mental illness self-medicating with street drugs, of people who became addicted when their pain was not well managed by professionals, of people whose communities were so flooded with illegal drugs that it was on their doorsteps and of people who could not get jobs and turned to drugs or drug dealing.

    Two women remembered Elizabeth “Liz” Stenson as one of the hardest, most intimidating and most loving women to walk the streets of Amityville. These women felt that the Suffolk Country prison system murdered Liz last year when it intentionally deprived Stenson of her blood pressure medication.

    A 27-year-old recovering addict who worked as a waiter in Westchester County cautioned against judging addicts, reminding us: “We don’t know everyone’s story. Most often, it is a personal and family history of trauma, poverty, neglect and violence that leads to the need to numb.”

    Several mourners connected the drug plague here to the U.S. presence in Afghanistan, as opium production there has increased there since the U.S. occupation began in 2001.

    Many spoke to the fact that drug addiction was an illness, yet people suffering from it were stigmatized and often jailed, not treated.

    A 23-year-old woman pointed out that if this was another kind of epidemic the government would be obliged to wipe out the source. She asked, “Why isn’t there a serious government effort to get drugs out of working-class communities?”

    The testimony went on for two hours. Even those who came mostly to give support, after hearing others speak, themselves took the floor to recount yet another facet of the drug epidemic by telling of the experiences of their parents, siblings, cousins, aunts, uncles and friends.

    Organizers held up a banner which read “The People’s Vigil: We will not keep dying in silence.” As the community speak-out showed, no family is alone in their battle against addiction.

    Despite organizer’s attempts to contact the mainstream media, only one local news outlet briefly passed by the vigil.

    Sixty-six thousand and counting

    The Department of Health reported that 1,374 people died from overdoses across the New York City last year—a 46 percent increase from 2015. Fentanyl was found in 44 percent of those cases. Fentanyl is a synthetic drug used to treat pain during and after surgery. Low-level dealers can increase their profits by spiking heroin with small doses of fentanyl to boost the impact of the hit. As our generation is witnessing, this has deadly consequences.

    The fastest growing population of addicts with lethal overdoses are those who start taking “legal” pain pills but graduate on to “street drugs” when they can no longer fill their prescriptions. Many speakers were quick to point out that pharmaceutical companies were trading and cashing in on human life. On average, the medical industry issues 300 million prescriptions for opioid-based pain killers per year in the U.S., a $24 billion industry. There can be no doubt that mega pharmaceutical corporations and their counterparts in the mainstream media have no genuine interest in confronting this plague. Their concern is not our lives; it is their own profits

    Confronting the epidemic

    Long Island is but one epicenter of what the Black Panther Party called “the plague.” Organizers from the People’s Congress of Resistance and Redneck Revolt hope to replicate the model of People’s Vigils in Cleveland, Ohio; Madison, Wisc.; Honolulu, Hawaii; Brockton, Mass., and wherever else poverty, unemployment and addiction ravage our communities.

    Although we can never recover the lives lost, if we stand united and proactive we can intervene to prevent lethal overdoses in the future. ACT UP organizer Larry Kramer, speaking on the AIDS crisis, said, “Until we get our acts together, all of us, we are as good as dead.”

    If we remain in silence, our loved ones will continue to fall by the wayside. Only we can put a halt to this epidemic and ensure that our children do not have to endure the social and personal trauma that we have.

    Poor white Trash Manifesto: A Step Toward Challenging Tactics Of Division

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    The People's Vigils: Let us fight together, let us mourn together, let us win freedom together!

    By Margaret Flowers, Clearing the FOG.

    https://popularresistance.org/poor-white-trash-manifesto-a-step-toward-challenging-tactics-of-division